李达对中国共产党成立的伟大贡献

过去我们把李达定位为马克思主义哲学家,马克思主义理论家、教育家,这一定位忽略了1920年至1922年间李达在中国共产党成立期间的伟大贡献。“一大”召开前,他与陈独秀、李汉俊一起积极筹建上海共产主义小组;在“关于社会主义的辩论”、“马克思主义与无政府主义的论战”中,他是论战的主将;他参与了与修正主义思潮的论战,为中国共产党的建立进行了思想理论的准备;他主编《共产党》月刊,为建党开辟思想舆论阵地;从1921年2月到“一大”召开,李达一直代理总书记的职务并担任“一大”的发起与组织工作。     

民国后期新疆省临时参议会述论

民国后期,新疆省临时参议会的成立既是国民党政府迫于全国人民压力、方掩饰其一党独裁而设立的,也是为了进一步控制新疆而做出的政策调整。党性色彩浓厚、协助政府是新疆省临时参议会的特点,尽管如此,它还是在发扬民意、推进民族文化建设、减轻民众负担、规划本省经济方面起了一定的客观进步作用。     

Noise effects on two industrial tasks

Very little is known about the effects of noise on the quality and quantity of motor task performance particularly in natural work settings. The present paper describes a study of the effects of noise on the performance of two tasks: the assembly of car carburettors and car air conditioners. The tasks were carried out either under quiet conditions (65 dBA) or noisy conditions (75 or 90 dBA): four broadly comparable groups of workers were studied. The data suggested, among other things, that all faulty behaviours involving a mental load were affected by noise although manual dexterity was not. It also appeared that noise impaired activities involving visuo-motor coordination. These findings, and others, are discussed in terms of information processing.     

论江苏谘议局的议政活动——以留日或新式教育出身议员为例

谘议局是清廷筹备立宪的重要一环。江苏谘议局的议政活动具备现代民主政治的基本程序,其中留日或新式教育出身议员在议场占主导优势。他们能够通过合法渠道为民请命,尽其所能兴利除弊,在很大程度上呈现出现代民主政治的色彩。江苏谘议局的议政活动积极推进了现代民主政治的进程。     

夏启"钧台之享"解

“钧台”在我国文明历史初期是祭天的台坛 ,因其对应着上帝居住的中央之天———钧天而得名 ,它在今山西省襄汾崇山一带。过去有学者主张的钧台是夏代监狱且在今河南省禹州市的观点是不正确的。《左传》昭公四年记载“夏启有钧台之享” ,这是夏代初年夏启主持举行的一次重大祭天活动 ,参与助祭的是各地的方国首领 ,因而“钧台之享”也是一次方国盟会。这次盟会确立了夏启天下共主的地位 ,奠定了夏王朝的统治基础 ,是我国文明时代开端的标志。     

The Impacts of State Surveillance on Political Assembly and Association: A Socio-Legal Analysis

Based on group interviews conducted in 2006 that included 71 social justice organizations, this paper analyzes the impact of surveillance on the exercise of assembly and association rights. We link these protected legal activities with analytic frameworks from social movements scholarship in order to further a socio-legal conception of political violence against social movements.

新疆大学民考民预科生汉语写作成绩比较分析及对策研究

文章采用文献资料法、数理统计法、逻辑分析法对1 218名民考民预科生的汉语写作成绩进行比较分析,从性别、专业、班级、HSK等级差异的角度来探讨汉语写作成绩的现状及差异,并据此提出了改变写作测试方法、编写新疆特色汉语写作教材、改进汉语教学方法、引导学生多读多写和提高学生写作主动性等对策。     

“东北救亡总会”会旗暨对东北民众抗日斗争的再认识

国家一级文物“东北救亡总会”会旗,向世人展示了东北民众抗日斗争的光辉史迹,也表明了东北民众在抗日斗争中做出的巨大贡献。通过这面弥足珍贵的旗帜,反映了东北抗日救国会到东北救亡总会成立的过程。东北救亡总会的成立,奠定了抗日民族统一战线的基础,积极推动和领导了东北民众的抗日斗争,在中国人民抗日战争的历史上,具有重要的作用并产生了深远的影响。     

论世界银行之“禁止干涉成员国政治事务原则”的适用

禁止干涉成员国政治事务原则,系世界银行的基本业务原则之一。该原则适用于包括理事、执行董事、行长、管理人员、一般工作人员在内的世界银行所有职能机关及其工作人员,尤其是高级职员。世界银行的所有业务活动,均得受该原则之拘束,无一例外。出于任何政治动机或政治目的的决策程序,都是违背《IBRD协议》和《IDA协议》的,决策结果亦将因此而丧失合法性。然而遗憾的是,由于《IBRD协议》和《IDA协议》将条约的解释权赋予理事会和执行董事会,实际排除了仲裁庭（条约指定的争议解决机构）的管辖权。因此,即使世界银行违反该业务原则,当事国亦很难救济其被侵害的权利。     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.