从“养人”到“养事”——咸安区高桥镇站所改革调查

本文以湖北咸安区高桥镇为例,对咸安区乡镇站所改革的全过程进行重新扫描,并探讨了这一体制变迁的重大意义.在这项改革中,咸安区撤销了乡镇政府所有的直管站所,将它们整体转制为民营性经济实体,其原有的行政管理职能收归乡镇政府履行,原来由它们生产的乡村公共品由基层政府通过"公开招标",实行"合同管理"和市场化运作,从而实现了从"养人"到"养事"的转变,探索了一条后税费改革时期农村基层财政困难条件下发展农村社会事业、服务"三农"的新路径.这项改革表面上看来似乎只是乡镇站所的撤销、重组和改制而已,然而实质上却是农村基层公共服务体制的根本变革,甚至是农村基层政府的一种再造.     

英语书面语篇中的标记语与主旨解读

英语语篇标记语(discourse markers)名称和定义的多样性决定了它们功能的多样性.本文主要利用J R纳廷革(James R Nattinger)和J S德卡里科(Jeanette S,DeCarrico)的有关理论,阐述英语书面语篇标记语在主旨解读方面的重要作用.     

从失语的物体到讲述的主体——论莫里森小说中黑人女性话语权的获得

法国哲学家福柯的权力—话语理论为我们研究莫里森作品提供了一个新的视角。《最蓝的眼睛》《宠儿》《爱》中莫里森所采用的叙述视角与叙述话语以及其中的人物话语,为黑人女性争取了话语权力,使她们由失语的物体一跃成为讲述的主体。话语权是黑人女性确立其主体地位的有力武器。     

对立与融合——中国男同性恋者的身份构建

当前,中国同性恋者在数量上已经成为一个不可忽视的社会群体。受西方男性研究和男性特质研究的影响,学术上很有必要关注中国的男性同性恋者。作为弱势群体的男同性恋者正在努力融入主流文化中,但受中国传统伦理道德观和社会舆论的影响,其处境又非常尴尬。中国男同性恋者受西方同性恋运动的影响衍生出其独特的话语,并为其话语权与社会身份认同的构建而努力着。理论上,福柯的话语权理论和酷儿理论有助于客观科学地研究同性恋者的话语及其身份认同,有利于改变社会对同性恋者的观念。和谐社会的构建离不开每一个人,同性恋者也是构建和谐社会中的一分子。     

生态适应观照下的中国政治话语翻译

中国政治话语翻译是以外国读者、受众为目标,将源信息由汉语转换成目的语并对外发表、传播的过程。中国政治话语的规范翻译是向国际社会准确阐释中国政治主张、治国理念的重要基础,它不仅具有传播意义,而且还具有重大战略意义。本文以生态适应论为指导,从生态翻译学的角度,就我国政治话语翻译过程中译者对翻译生态的能动选择与适应策略进行了论述。本文指出：政治话语的翻译过程就是译者能动地就政治话语的宏观生态环境,即源语目的、源语语义、源语特征及目标语言、文化等进行适应、选择的过程。     

Working precarious careers trajectories: tracing neoliberal discourses in younger workers’ narratives

ABSTRACT

The aim of this article is to explore how, in the context of the post Global Financial Crisis (GFC), some Italian younger workers in a specific geographical region in Italy recount their work trajectories. Drawing on narrative interviews with ten participants (aged between 24 and 30) as part of a research project carried out in the Autonomous region of Aosta Valley in Italy, the article traces discourses closely associated with neoliberalism – the discourses of the entrepreneurial self, employability and self-responsibilisation – through which subjects’ work experiences take shape. Moreover, the analysis highlights how locality, one’s personal relation with the geographical territory, makes more complex the younger people’s negotiations in crafting themselves vis-à-vis precarious employment opportunities and wider socio-economic dynamics in respect of precarious employment opportunities.     

Discursive strategies for internal legitimacy: Narrating the alternative organizational form

A significant body of academic work has explored the ways in which hybrid organizations seek to secure external legitimacy. However, there is a more limited understanding of the ways in which organizational units in hybrid organizations seek to acquire internal legitimacy – legitimacy which is conferred by internal stakeholders. This study draws on more than a century of communications in a Dutch cooperative bank to uncover how a major organizational unit enacted distinct discursive strategies to seek internal legitimacy. The paper extends prior work by showing how internal legitimacy work – the efforts to shape, reinforce, or suppress internal legitimacy judgments – in a hybrid organization is a dynamic process whereby an internal unit generates multiple complementary narratives to promote a fit between its own attributes and the legitimacy evaluations by internal audiences. In addition, it shows how internal legitimacy work can promote this fit by attempting to manipulate not only the impressions of the internal unit's attributes, but also its audiences’ understanding of wider cultural norms of the day, on which their legitimacy judgments are based. In this vein, the paper highlights how discursive internal legitimacy work seeks to generate a taken-for-granted organizational position for the internal units concerned.     

钱锺书对严羽《沧浪诗话》的误解与原因

虽然南宋严羽的《沧浪诗话》是王渔洋神韵说的理论渊源之一,但严羽在《沧浪诗话》里却并没有正式提及神韵一词。钱锺书在《谈艺录》和《管锥编》两书中多处征引的严羽所谓诗之有神韵者,从文献上考证,是一个子虚乌有的命题。但令人遗憾的是,学界已经出现了以讹传讹的现象:由于钱锺书在学界的权威地位,有些研究者未加辨别就直接引述了钱锺书的错误观点。事实上,神韵这一概念范畴在严羽所处的南宋尚未出现,但严羽的诗论主张与神韵说确有着密切联系,而钱锺书在《谈艺录》和《管锥编》两书中论述神韵的相关内容,则是混淆了神韵的提法和它的理论渊源。     

社会主义多民族国家制度性国家认同的实现机制

个体身份认同的基础是利益需求的满足.在我国,要实现中华民族多元一体的国家认同,除进行国族重构和文化融合之外,还需寻找到一个能超越族群差异的制度认同基础,从制度维度对国族认同与文化认同进行补充,三维立体式地构建中华多元一体的国家认同大厦.我国建党在先、以党建国、党政同构和党国同构的鲜明特点,决定了实现制度性国家认同必须以执政党认同为基础.在少数民族地区,公民是以原生性特征为基础还是以执政党及其制度为基础来进行认同,取决于二者谁更能深入持久地积极影响和改变少数族群的生活.在执政党认同、制度认同、国家认同之间存在正相关关系,三者可以相互促进、转化,也可相互削弱.