INTERNATIONAL STUDY CIRCLES

In theory, computers have overcome the tyranny of distance associated with international education. In practice, many obstacles remain. An examination of International Study Circles allows for a greater understanding of the issues associated with computer-assisted international workers' education.     

Income inequality and solidarity in Europe

This paper studies the relationship between income inequality, a macro-level characteristic, and solidarity of Europeans. To this aim, solidarity is defined as the ‘willingness to contribute to the welfare of other people’. We rely on a theoretical idea according to which feelings of solidarity are derived from both affective and calculating considerations – we derive competing hypotheses relating the extent of income inequality to these ‘underlying’ motivations for solidarity. Using data from the 1999 European Values Study (EVS), we apply multilevel analysis for 26 European countries. Controlling for household income and a range of macro-level characteristics, we find evidence that in more unequal countries people are less willing to take action to improve the living conditions of their fellow-countrymen. This is true for respondents living in both low- and high-income households. According to our theoretical framework, this finding suggests that, at least when measured in terms of ‘willingness to contribute to the welfare of other people’, feelings of solidarity seem to be influenced more strongly by affective, rather than by calculating considerations.     

Familial relations and labor market outcomes: the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon

We analyze intra-family support among Palestinians living in Lebanon, using detailed household survey data from the refugee camps and Palestinian communities in Lebanon and latent class analysis technique. The study uncovers five latent classes of familial exchange. Two different theoretical models—the solidarity and reciprocal exchange—are used to examine the link between patterns of assistance and labor market conditions. Contrary to the solidarity account, we find no evidence of high familial assistance among the unemployed, or those excluded from the labor market, and this is true regardless of type of exchange. However, the camp population is more likely to engage in exchange relations than their non-camp counterparts. The married, loners, educated, employed, and those with stronger ties to relatives are more likely to be money exchangers. The findings are similar for care receivers, but age and gender figure prominently here. Some policy implications of the findings are discussed.     

The Legacy of ‘Solidarity’: Class,Democracy, Culture and Subjectivity in the Polish Social Movement

The sociological debate on the nature of Solidarity, and its legacy for social mobilization in today's Poland, are assessed through secondary research as well as primary research on Polish social movements in 1995–2001. The three classic interpretations of Solidarity (class, democracy and nation) are discussed, and two conclusions are reached to overcome the ‘class versus intellectuals’ dispute. First, against cultural and political interpretations, a class interpretation is appropriate although not exclusive and not in a classic Marxist sense. Second, a fourth element, subjectivity, needs to be added to understand the rare combination of egalitarianism and individualism in Solidarity. The class and the subjective elements derive from the double nature of Polish society: industrial and ‘vocationally’ (not factually) totalitarian. The implication is that social mobilization in Poland can be expected primarily in labour activism and marginal cultural movements.     

On Movement Frames and Negotiated Identities: The Case of Poland's First Solidarity Congress

How do participants in a social movement come to agree on goals and strategies? Recent scholarship has moved in two theoretical directions. Some writers focus on movement leaders and their efforts to excite and attract potential supporters by formulating a vision that conveys optimism and moral outrage, yet is congruent with long-standing popular beliefs. Other writers focus far less on leaders and their frames and insist, instead, that movements are organizationally decentralized and typically lack consensus on goals and strategies. From this second perspective, programs are best seen as the byproducts of ongoing clashes and messy negotiations between a myriad of local activists with different beliefs, diverse values, and frequently divergent interests. Using the First Solidarity Congress as a historical case study, this article argues for the utility of combining both approaches – one that focuses on leaders’ ongoing efforts to build consensus around a seemingly effective frame, and the other that stresses the extent of intra-movement discord and the decentralized nature of movement organizations.     

“共和构想”是社会包容性政策的核心思想

我们不能将"社会包容"一词单纯地理解为"社会排斥"的反义词。"社会排斥"强调的是个体正常的社会关联被边缘化的状态,它是一个与社会秩序相关的保守概念。而"社会包容"是一个充满活力和远见的概念,它建立在社会团结的基础之上,它使得个体能够更多、更广地参与到社会生活的各个领域。     

试析新中国历部宪法的民族原则

本文对新中国成立后历部宪法中的民族原则进行了较为系统的阐述和比较。文章认为,新中国的民族法制建设,随着历部宪法中民族原则的增删,经历了一个曲折的过程     

权势和同等中的语言分析

权势（power）和同等（solidarity）这两个概念是用来表述言语交际中双方不平等的人际关系。文章认为，权势和同等语使用中的表敬和示近都是礼貌行为，并主要从称呼语、动词结构和其它言语层面对话语中的权势量和同等量进行分析。分析指出，交际得以顺利进行是因为双方找到了各自心理阈值的结合点，而且这个结合点不是静止的，它随着交际双方地位的变化而变化，这种变化也反映出言语交际是一种动态的语用过程。