战国授田制研究综述

土地制度是战国史研究的重点和难点 ,它直接关系到对其时政治制度和经济制度的认识程度 ,因而前辈学者对其用力颇多 ,并有一些研究成果面世 ,其中有代表性的一种看法是公有制的瓦解和私有制的确立。上个世纪 70年代末 ,刘泽华先生以文献记载和考古材料为依据 ,对这一传统观点提出了挑战 ,首倡“战国授田制”说 ,这一观点提出后 ,很快得到学者同仁的广泛回应 ,他们纷纷撰文表达看法 ,使这一学说得以进一步充实、完善     

国际执法合作:反腐败斗争的新路径--以《联合国反腐败公约》为主要视角

《联合国反腐败公约》是联合国反腐败领域的第一个重要公约,加入和实施该公约对于中国的反腐败斗争必将产生深远影响。该公约的签署揭开了反腐败领域的国际执法合作的新篇章,这为我们的反腐败斗争提供了一个有效的新路径,即集世界各国之力共同打击腐败这一人类公敌。适时调整我们的刑事司法制度,适应公约的要求,加大反腐败国际执法合作的力度,让贪官污吏真正无处可逃,是当前一个刻不容缓的重大课题。     

美国新霸权主义的特征及性质

美国新霸权主义的特征表现在四个方面 :全球性的霸权、制度化的霸权、同质化的霸权体系、干预的合法化。美国新霸权主义实质是美国垄断资本向全球扩张的一种表现形态     

对比较优势的再认识

比较优势是各国参与分工和国际贸易的基础。正确认识比较优势的静态性和动态性特性 ,把握比较优势的转移 ,明确竞争优势 ,从而正确制定本国的贸易政策 ,对于推动对外贸易的发展具有极其重要的现实意义     

加强非公有制经济人士统战工作,切实增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础——谈学习江泽民同志"七一讲话"的一点体会

本文阐述了非公有制经济人士是我国现阶段的新社会阶层 ,是有中国特色社会主义事业的建设者 ,是统一战线的重要成员 ;做好对非公有制经济人士的统一战线工作 ,对增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础 ,是有特殊重要意义。在此基础上 ,本文着重提出做好非公有制经济人士统战工作的切实有效的重要措施     

学习"三个代表"重要思想开创统战工作新局面

本文从统一战线致力于中国特色社会主义建设事业的客观要求、加强党对统一战线领导的必然要求和不断巩固和发展新世纪爱国统一战线的根本保证等三个方面论述了学习"三个代表"重要思想的意义,强调要树立大局意识、政治意识、忧患意识、责任意识,努力开创新世纪统一战线的新局面.     

战国《诗》学传播中心的转移与汉四家《诗》的形成

汉代四家诗在先秦的师承源流 ,除《毛诗》自谓传自子夏 ,并有谱系流传外 ,其余三家 ,史皆无载。三家不言师承 ,并非数典忘祖 ,实由战国《诗》学传播混乱、师承不明所致。研究者多从传播主体入手 ,设定其为封闭型传播渠道 ,希图理清三家在先秦的师承脉络 ,然终劳而少功 ,他们忽略了战国《诗》传播的全开放性与学术中心的地域性转移对《诗》学观念与流派形成的影响。战国学术中心有四次大转移 ,第一个学术中心形成于三晋之魏的西河 ,其学术以古史为根柢 ,以好古为特色。第二个学术中心转移于齐之稷下 ,其学术以杂学著称 ,而又侈谈阴阳五行。第三个学术中心转移于燕国 ,其特色由中和三晋之古学与齐之阴阳学说而成。第四个学术中心转移于楚之兰陵 ,实即鲁之次室 ,由荀子居兰陵而形成。其学杂帝王之术 ,有鲜明的政治倾向性。四次学术中心的大转移 ,也是《诗》学传播中心的四次大转移 ,直接影响了汉代四家《诗》学的形成 ,成为四家《诗》各自不同的思想资源     

美国公共服务改革及其对中国的启示

美国公共服务经历了“国有化改革”、“回归市场”和“多元参与”几次改革。这一改革路径,反映了美国政府试图兼顾公共服务效率与公平目标,努力寻求和探索政府的经营管理职能与服务公众职能之间平衡。美国作为发达国家的主要代表,其公共服务发展的经验和教训,对当前中国公共服务改革和服务型政府的构建,非常具有启示性。     

Understanding public attitudes towards Social Security

There has been very little research on why individuals hold different attitudes toward Social Security. In this article we integrate social location theory and political predisposition theory to provide a framework of explanation and test these theories using a unique sample from the 1998 General Social Survey. Our multivariate results reveal that social structural positions along the lines of race, gender, class and age play a more important role than political predispositions in explain-ing individual differences in support for the current Social Security system against privatisation. Political party affiliation also partly contributes to variation in support for Social Security, but political ideology does not have a significant effect. Our results suggest that with regard to support for Social Security, primary consideration must rest on social structural positions. Racial minorities, women, the poor and the elderly tend to dislike a drastic change in the current Social Security system, and Social Security reform ought to pay attention to their concerns. Our robust finding of a positive relationship between age and support for Social Security also challenges much of the established knowledge, pointing to an intergenerational discord over Social Security. It is also important to differentiate among social welfare programmes in order to uncover the real determinants of public attitudes towards them.     

International-domestic linkages in a developing-country context: the case of the Rohingyas in Bangladesh

ABSTRACT

Since 1978, the Rohingya have been fleeing Myanmar and taking refuge in Bangladesh. The state of Bangladesh is not a signatory to the Geneva Convention and does not recognize refugee rights, but the initial experiences with the Rohingya refugee population led the government to create a temporary and ad hoc domestic policy advisory and refugee management system, which eventually became highly politicized. There was also some degree of slow “externalization” of policy advice through the involvement of international organizations from 2006–2007 onward, mainly through the participation of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and International Organization for Migration (IOM). Over 2017–2018, there was a massive influx of refugees from Myanmar to Bangladesh. The domestic advisory and refugee management system lacked the capacity to manage the crisis and had to quickly and greatly externalize policy advice and refugee management. The UNHCR and IOM came in with a host of international organizational networks and coordinated with each other and the state through a multi-sectoral approach to manage the crisis. This externalization led to the systematization and institutionalization of the state’s domestic advisory system. However the effect of externalization on politicization is equivocal; on the one hand it decreased politicization of the domestic policy advisory system, but on the other hand, it created new levels of politicization.