论社会主义协商民主的中国特色

党的十八大报告首次提出社会主义协商民主是我国人民民主的重要形式,并提出健全社会主义协商民主制度这一重大历史命题,使协商民主由民主形式上升到民主制度层面。这一转变体现了中国共产党人对社会主义民主的实践创新、理论创新和制度创新,集中体现了中国共产党人构建具有中国特色、中国风格和中国气派的话语体系的决心和使命。     

Wikipedia in the anti-SOPA protests as a case study of direct,deliberative democracy in cyberspace

This paper contributes to the discussion on deliberative, direct democracy and volunteer mobilization in the Internet era by analyzing the vote participation levels of Wikipedia volunteer editors (Wikipedians). On 18th January 2012 in the ‘first Internet strike’ against the American ‘Stop Online Piracy Act' legislation, over two thousand Wikipedians took part in the vote concerning whether their site should undertake a protest action, with vast majority expressing support for this action. However, the vote participants formed only a tiny fraction of the total number of Wikipedians who number in millions. Although Wikipedia can be seen as an open, democratic forum practicing deliberative, direct democracy, the process of voting on Wikipedia is significantly influenced by participation inequality, with a majority of the vote participation coming from a small group of most active contributors – an effective oligarchy. This paper discusses the intricate dynamics between Wikipedia egalitarian ethos and the creed to discuss project matters deliberately on one hand and the conspicuous lack of promotion and advertisement stemming from a rule against ‘canvassing’ and an overall skepticism regarding the status of majority votes. While voters' passivity and lack of interest play a major role, as expected, another factor emerges as a significant factor responsible for the low levels of participation: an inefficient information distribution system, as the vast majority of Wikipedians were not aware of the ongoing discussions and the vote itself until after their conclusion.     

三分方法视域下的坎陷概念

文章以笔者多年来一直坚持的三分方法为基础,对牟宗三的坎陷概念进行诠释。依据三分方法,文化结构可以分为体欲、智识、道德三个不同的层面。中国文化的一个重要特点是重视道德,不重视智识,要发展民主和科学必须在传统基础上"让开一步"、"下降凝聚",同时又要"摄智归仁",保留自己的优势。牟宗三创立的坎陷概念集中概括了这些内容,是一个极有意义的思想。     

马克思主义中国化背景下的党内民主文化发展

马克思主义中国化是一项伟大而艰巨的时代任务和战略课题。在这一背景下,以毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民为代表的中国共产党人继承和发展马克思主义民主理论并使之中国化,从而促进了党内民主文化的发展。探析其生成逻辑和发展成就,有助于破解当前党内民主发展的难题、推进党内民主建设。     

现代社会秩序的政治建构:基于信任的民主

现代社会秩序的政治建构受制于民主和信任建设中的交织关系,体现为如何化解委托代理中的"逆向选择"和"道德风险"。这促使政治思想家们不断探索解决路径,形成了维持社会秩序的霍布斯模式、洛克—熊彼特模式、托克维尔—帕特南模式以及蒂利模式等。基于信任的民主不仅需要加强关于政府官员的能力和素质的制度化建设,还需要培育社会资本和加强公民共同体建设,更需要强化政府和民间互动的策略性和有效性,促发信赖确证、条件满足和风险化解,以维护社会秩序。     

电子政务新时代与我国民主政治发展新趋势

电子政务是互联网时代信息技术与政府政务信息公开相结合的重要成果,科学运用电子政务的特殊技术平台,能极大提升政务公开程度和政务服务水平。电子政务在我国突飞猛进的发展,日益成为政府顺应民意、提高政治自觉的有效工具;也越来越成为公民知情,以及政治参与和民主监督的重要渠道。中国特色社会主义民主政治的改革在不断制度化、规范化、程序化发展过程中,也呈现出信息化的新趋势。电子政务在我国民主政治信息化的新趋势中发挥了至关重要的作用。     

后危机时代美国政治民主异化的主要表现

经过了全球金融危机的强烈冲击，世界经济开始缓慢复苏，随之进入后危机时代。但在经历了危机的冲击之后，美国政治民主却走到了难以为继的地步，开始出现明显的异化，表现为金钱与选票的夹击使社会变革举步维艰；恶性竞争的政党政治使社会族群对立撕裂；过度的自由和权利使社会凝聚度大大降低；意识形态的对抗使政治民主难以进步。通过分析将给中国的民主建设一些有益的启示与思考。     

从农村基层民主制度运行成本看当前农民政治冷漠的根本原因

我国农村基层民主近年来在广度和深度上都得到了较大发展。但是,在这种发展的表象背后,却隐藏着农民政治冷漠的客观真象。对此,既有的"复合因果论"具有一定解释力,但也有值得补遗之处。农村基层民主制度运行成本与运行绩效的不对称、农民个体承担的基层民主制度运行成本过高才是导致当前农民政治冷漠的根本原因。     

Western Liberal Democracy: The Struggle of Muslims for Freedom,Equality and Dignity

The increasingly multicultural fabric of Western liberal democracies has given rise to the issue of the presence of Muslim minorities in the West, as rising hatred and hostility toward Islam and Muslims in the West undermine the three guiding principles of freedom, equality and dignity that underpin the foundation of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism. Today, Muslims in the West struggle for freedom, equality and dignity to ensure their ethnocultural survival and full and equal participation within the mainstream society. Therefore, it would be quite correct to say that the endurance of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism built on the Western civilization depends on the eradication of Western Islamophobia.     

The Logic of A Co‐Operative Economy and Democracy 2.0: Recovering the Possibilities for Autonomy,Creativity, Solidarity,and Common Purpose

Over the past 30 years, the collectivist‐democratic form of organization has presented a growing alternative to the bureaucratic form, and it has proliferated, here and around the world. This form is manifest, for example, within micro‐credit groups, workers’ co‐operatives, nongovernmental organizations, advocacy groups, self‐help groups, community and municipal initiatives, social movement organizations, and in many nonprofit groups in general. It is most visible in the civil society sector, but demands for deeper participation are also evident in communities and cities, and the search for more involving and less bureaucratic structures has spread into many for‐profit firms as well. Building on research on this form of organization, this article develops a model of the decisional processes utilized in such organizations and contrasts these “Democracy 2.0” standards for decision making from the Democracy 1.0 (representative and formal) standards that previously prevailed. Drawing on a new generation of research on these sorts of organizations, this article and this special section discuss: (a) how consensus decisional processes are being made more efficient; (b) how such organizations are now able to scale to fairly large size while still retaining their local and participatory basis; (c) how such organizations are cultivating a more diverse membership and using such diversity to build more democratic forms of governance; (d) how such organizations are combatting ethnoracial and gender inequalities that prevail in the surrounding society; and (e) how emotions are getting infused into the public conversations within these organizations and communities.