我国跨行政区流域生态补偿机制研究 ——以淮河流域、太湖流域为例

流域生态补偿是利用经济手段对流域生态的外部性进行矫正的一种手段。政府强干预型与市场主导型的流域生态补偿机制都各有优缺点。当前,我国流域生态补偿存在法律机制尚不完善,水资源的产权模糊,补偿主体不明确,补偿方式单一,公民参与渠道不畅等困境。为构建高效的跨行政区流域生态补偿机制,必须制定专门性的流域生态补偿法律,充分发挥地方立法的自主性,健全流域生态补偿的法律体系;既要在近期充分发挥政府在流域生态补偿中的主导作用,又要在远期着眼于建立市场手段为主的流域生态补偿机制;拓宽公众参与途径,建立信息公开机制以及公众参与的经济激励机制,以提升流域生态补偿的制度认可度与制度效用。     

数字经济条件下电商平台责任认定难题和治理出路

在我国大力发展数字经济的时代背景下,电商平台具有独特的法律地位,在为平台内经营者与消费者之间搭建交易平台时,其凭借与二者间形成的平台服务关系,间接地对交易关系发挥着实质影响,成为隔离买卖双方的信息要素持有者。在消费者权益保护方面,我国立法虽然严格地规定了电商平台的过错责任和连带责任,但在因平台消费引发的民事案件中,极少出现判令由平台向消费者担责的判例。细究判理,虽然立法上有较为全面的责任设计,但与个案层面人民法院需要遵循的追责逻辑并不契合,立法规定的电商平台责任面临着严重的实施困境。从实践情况看,困境集中表现为:在认定平台存在主观明知时缺乏裁判标准,在确认违法经营行为出现后电商平台所采取的措施是否具有必要性时缺乏明确的程度衡量规范,导致消费者因举证不力而败诉。根本上讲,原因在于相关立法仍秉承电商平台是交易辅助人的传统思维。这与其在数字经济凭借技术优势对买卖双方享有的强势地位并不相符,故而应当基于数字经济区别于传统经济的特征,构建涉电商平台纠纷的数字经济责任模式;在价值理念上纠正商品服务关系中认定电商平台的误区,回到平台与用户的数字信息服务关系上,明确其应当负有的法律责任,促进平台与政府、用户、社会主体共同打造数字经济秩序的治理合作关系。     

当代中国青年文化的后殖民特征

青年文化的“差异”特征决定了其在消费社会中与消费主义的共谋。但是,中国的教育与媒介文化使得中国青年的消费主义更具有后殖民的可能性。在权力的霸权压制下,中国当代的青年文化呈现出全球化想像与模仿特征。     

论科学发展观与宏观调控的法治化

科学发展观是党和政府提出发展战略,编制发展规划,制定发展政策的思想基础,是政府制定宏观调控措施的指导思想,宏观调控是科学发展观实现的保障。宏观调控的法治化是正确处理科学发展观与宏观调控的关系的基础。     

论全球治理中和谐世界的构建

中国提出的“和谐世界”的构想,不仅是中国国内政策的延续,也符合世界发展潮流,与当今世界流行的“全球治理”观念不谋而合。在全球治理中可以实现和谐世界的构建,因为全球治理从全球观念和价值层面上反映了对和谐世界的追求;在全球治理所倡导的共存、共治、共荣中能够实现国际行为体之间的关系和谐;全球治理在解决全球性问题的目标中可以实现人与自然的和谐。中国就是要努力推动“和谐世界”的构想在全球治理的进程中变成现实,使中国真正成为“负责任的大国”。     

突发重大疫情网络舆论的生成逻辑､演进特征与治理机制

新形势下突发重大疫情网络舆论不仅给疫情防控带来了严峻挑战,而且给维护国家意识形态安全带来了较大压力。厘清网络舆论的生成逻辑,把握网络舆论发展的演进特征,对做好网络舆论引导与谣言治理意义重大。在现代网络社会,随着交往实践的普遍进行,从现实逻辑、实践逻辑与理论逻辑来看,突发重大疫情网络舆论的生成,是网络议题、网络交往和网络传播相互作用的结果。受网络社会交往实践主体、客体、环体和介体等多种因素影响,突发重大疫情网络舆论又呈现为非线性的发展演进趋势,极易引发“蝴蝶效应”造成舆论秩序失范,甚至导致“塔西佗陷阱”的舆论信任危机,给疫情防控带来复杂变数。必须建立健全网络舆论治理机制,有效管控舆情,提高疫情防控治理水平。     

Australia’s national urban policy: The smart cities agenda in perspective

The Australian Government's attempts at national urban policy have been sporadic and inconsistent, under the constraints of constitutional, financial, ideological and political factors. This paper concerns the recent resurgence of national urban policy under the rubric of “smart cities” adopted by the Turnbull Government and carried on by the incumbent Morrison Government. It investigates how this round of smart cities agenda articulates with Australia's political tradition of national urban policy to seek continuity and change, through comparing historical policies, unpacking major smart cities programmes, identifying explanatory factors and critically commenting on its innovation and legacy. Drawing upon these analyses, this paper argues that understanding the smart cities agenda needs to move beyond the political, ideological “to-and-fro” pendulum to national urban policy observed in history. Rather, it resonates with a globalised policy norm established upon the city-based global integration and competition, driven by an imperative of transitioning to a knowledge economy and pursuing innovation capacity. It is too early to judge whether the smart cities agenda will bring changes to Australian cities in the way it wishes, since it involves long-term infrastructure investment and urban development projects. However, a comprehensive and consistent national urban policy to govern the Australian system of cities and towns has not been established yet.     

A new tool for urban governance or just rhetoric? The case of participatory budgeting in Taipei City

Increasing interest in participatory budgeting has been observed in local governments around the world. This paper stresses direct citizen participation in the budgeting process leads to good governance, deepens democracy and improves social justice, while also highlighting some challenges in its efficiency and effectiveness. Unlike participatory budgeting, the Sub-borough Chiefs Forum is a community-based representative democratic mechanism; it could be regarded as a form of participatory budgeting in a broad sense. If so, then did the Taipei programme simply duplicate the goals of the Forum or lead to a better governance by making up for the inadequacies of the Chiefs Forum? To find out whether the Taipei participatory budgeting programme made a difference, we carried out qualitative and quantitative comparisons of projects passed under the participatory budgeting process and at the Forum. We also interviewed several participatory budgeting participants and sub-borough chiefs. The findings suggested that participatory budgeting and the Forum generated different proposals and budget requests, and the Taipei programme supplemented the shortcomings of the Forum and therefore led to deeper civic engagement and better urban governance.     

明清以来的市镇:中国城镇化发展的历史因缘

本文致力于厘清关于市镇研究的理论传统,对明清以来市镇的演变在经济、社会和政治等多个层面进行考察。从经济层面看,市镇是连接地方性市场和世界体系的节点,并越来越具有超层级、跨区域和金融化的特点;从社会层面看,市镇是有层级、有组织的,并具有很强的包容性;从政治层面看,它是地方自治化和国家政权建设的着力点。在社会结构中的中间性质是市镇的本质特征。社会学对于市镇的研究必须将其看作一种总体性的社会事实,在对生命体验、生活智慧、伦理道德、乡风民俗等民情因素进行调查研究的前提下,考察其与具体制度和社会结构之间的关联。