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41.
In the contemporary multicentric world, sovereign states have to manage carefully the construction of their image, defining their role and aspirations. With the re-definition of the state centric politics, stories become relevant: communication is a form of power, and networked forms of communication are becoming progressively a way to conquer the transnational public spheres. Through strategic narratives of foreign politics, states try to set up the ‘tales’ of international affairs and foreign strategies, to suggest a world vision, a causal interpretation, determining frames that affect transnational actors’ position in the international environment. Sovereign states develop these kind of frame using tools and theories referred to the commercial branding tradition to promote and support their own policies and identity. We decided to investigate how that process is made through information diffusion on digital platforms.

In this work, it has been analyzed the content presented through Twitter posts by the Foreign Ministries accounts of four different States dissimilar for geopolitical positioning and security concerns (USA; Israel; France; Sweden), for a period of three months (9/1/2015-11/30/2015); leading to the identification of different models and characteristic patterns of self-representation.

The thematic content analysis, based on the identification of macrocategories and micro-issues, has led to the identification of different models and characteristic patterns of self-representation, determined by domestic vicissitudes, and has shown some regularities, caused by the branding vocation of autobiographical online contents.  相似文献   

42.
红色文化是中国革命建设征程的历史凝结,补钙壮骨,通今溯源,与中华民族共同体意识有着严密的耦合逻辑。在政治上,红色文化有利于坚定中国共产党的领导,明晰铸牢中华民族共同体意识的政治前提;在经济上,红色文化彰显社会主义市场经济的民族互惠指向,夯实铸牢中华民族共同体意识的经济基础;在文化上,红色文化标注社会主义先进文化建设的中国底色,聚合中华民族共同体建设的文化动力;在社会上,红色文化促进各民族交往交流交融,提升铸牢中华民族共同体意识的社会认知;在生态上,红色文化有助于建立人与自然交响协奏的生命共同体,筑牢中华民族共同家园的生态底线。  相似文献   
43.

Background

Meconium stained amniotic fluid commonly occurs postdates (?>40 weeks gestation) indicating fetal maturity. Previous literature indicates that different ethnicities mature at different rates.

Aim

To compare the rate of meconium stained amniotic fluid of Australian-born and non-Australian born women.

Methods

A retrospective correlation study design was implemented, using data collected in the birth outcomes system at one tertiary hospital. Data was collected from all women who gave birth to a term (>/=37 weeks gestation), singleton, liveborn baby between January 1st to December 31st, 2014. Maternal country of birth was used for comparison. Categorical data was analyzed using Chi-Square test for Independence. Continuous variables were assessed for normality, and differences were compared using an Independent t-test or a Mann–Whitney U test. All tests were two-tailed and p < 0.05 was considered statistically significant.

Results

3,041 women were included; 1131 Australian-born and 1910 non-Australian born. Meconium stained amniotic fluid occurred more frequently in non-Australian born women compared to Australian-born women (23.5% vs. 19.8 p = 0.02). Their babies were significantly smaller (Mean = 3265 g, Standard Deviation 463.8 vs Mean = 3442 g, Standard Deviation 499.2, p < 0.001), with no difference in gestational length (Mean = 39.4, Standard Deviation 1.28 vs Mean = 39.5, Standard Deviation 1.18, p = 0.06). Increasing gestational age had the strongest association with meconium stained amniotic fluid;?>/=42 weeks gestation occurring 3.52 (95% Confidence Interval: 2.00, 6.22, p = <0.001) more than <40 weeks gestation.

Conclusion

Maternity health services should record ethnicity and region of birth to provide individualised care as women born overseas often have poorer perinatal outcomes when compared to Australian-born women.  相似文献   
44.
根据第五次中央民族工作会议的指导精神,中华民族共同体的法治建设与铸牢中华民族共同体意识是交叉同构的, 需在习近平法治思想和马克思主义多民族国家建设理论的基础上,探析铸牢中华民族共同体意识的法治实践路径。 第一,可 建设权利本位与义务本位相协调的中华民族法制共同体。 第二,应以党的领导为统领推进民族事务治理法治化。 第三,需以 立法、执法、司法为统筹全面深化法治实践。 第四,可通过法治教育为媒介巩固共有法治精神家园。 总之,法制共同体是中华 民族为人类历史转向所优化的现代法治范式,法治为铸牢中华民族共同体意识提供了制度实践基础,彰显了依法治国背景下 “德法共治”的平衡。  相似文献   
45.
《孟子》作为传承儒家思想的载体,在变化的社会形势下阐发了仁义礼智信耻等观念,并在社会政治、经济、伦理道德等方面形成了新的理解,由此丰富了儒家思想体系,从而在中华民族思想史上占有重要地位。几千年来,《孟子》思想作为儒家思想的重要组成部分及传统文化的主流话语之一,其所彰显的价值与意义,指导着传统社会的人生建设,对中华民族的绵延发展起到了凝聚和推动作用。重视并汲取《孟子》思想的精华,使之焕发出新的生机与活力,对于现代人类的生存需求以及中华民族共有精神家园的构建必将产生积极的影响。  相似文献   
46.
莫志斌  鲁涛 《云梦学刊》2012,33(1):52-57
李大钊对史学价值的思考,是他史学思想中的重要内容。他以马克思主义唯物史观为指导,从史学与人生、史学与国家、史学与治学三个维度探讨了史学的价值,从而大大地拓宽了传统史学的价值。在李大钊看来,史学不仅能提高人生修养、端正人生态度、规划人生道路、领悟人生真谛,而且它还是激发爱国情感的源泉、“感奋兴起”的“救国学术”、制定革命策略的依据。同时,李大钊认为史学能训练治学者的思维和技能,而其中最主要的是能培植“与时俱进”、不断创新的思想,培养求真务实、严谨周全的学风.培育融汇古今、贯通中外的学识。回顾和探讨李大钊的史学价值观对当代弘扬党重史、读史和鉴史的优良传统和建设马克思主义学习型政党具有重要的启示意义。  相似文献   
47.
This article is an exploration of family therapy in Australia based on interviews with seven leading Australian family therapists: Max Cornwell, Carolyn Quadrio, Ron Perry, Laurie MacKinnon, Brian Stagoll, Banu Moloney and Jim Crawley. It explores the attributes and qualities of what makes a good family therapist and seeks to understand how the next generation of therapists can generate a new enthusiasm for family therapy.  相似文献   
48.
Unacceptable forms of work (UFW) have been identified as an “area of critical importance” for the ILO as it approaches its centenary. Yet there is currently no comprehensive elaboration of the dimensions, causes or manifestations of UFW. This article reports on a research project that has proposed such a framework. The article first investigates and reconceptualizes key discourses on contemporary work to identify their contribution to an analytically rigorous conception of UFW. It then outlines a novel Multidimensional Model that has been designed for use by local policy actors in identifying and targeting UFW in countries across a range of income levels.  相似文献   
49.
以往的研究,多以为墨学之所以在晚清得以复兴,是因为中国社会已发展到了迫切需要知识理性与科学技术的时代,中国人迫切需要知识理性启蒙。但通过对辛亥革命前几年公开发表的崇墨学论著的具体分析,可以发现,在辛亥革命前几年间已兴起了一定程度的"崇墨学"之思潮,而此思潮的兴起,就目的讲,本不为学术计,即不是从知识理性启蒙的意义上倡言墨学如何有开心智之作用,而是为政治计,即从"救亡图存"的意义上倡言墨学如何具有保国保族保种的现实意义与作用。  相似文献   
50.
The costs for rent and utilities account for the largest share of living expenses, yet these two critical dimensions of material hardship have seldom been examined concurrently in population-based studies. This paper employs multivariate statistical analysis using American Community Survey data to demonstrate the relative risk ratio of low-income renter-occupied households with children experiencing ‘rent burden', ‘energy insecurity', or a ‘double burden’ as opposed to no burden. Findings suggest that low-income households are more likely to experience these economic hardships in general but that specific groups are disproportionately burdened in different ways. For instance, whereas immigrants are more likely to experience rental burden, they are less likely to experience energy insecurity and are also spared from the double burden. In contrast, native-born African Americans are more likely than all other groups to experience the double burden. These results may be driven by the housing stock available to certain groups due to racial residential segregation, decisions regarding the quality of housing low-income householders are able to afford, as well as home-country values, such as modest living and energy conservation practices, among immigrant families. This paper also points to important policy gaps in safety net benefits related to housing and energy targeting low-income households.  相似文献   
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