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80年代 ,人类学曾经出现了一个引人注目的“写文化”大论争 ,其代表就是《写文化 :民族志的诗学和政治学》与《作为文化批评的人类学 :一个人文学科的实验时代》。其核心问题就是民族志写作中的修辞、叙事的政治和策略等 ,对传统民族志提出反思和挑战。之后 ,一些人类学家鉴于“写文化”基本只是提出问题 ,却没有提供答案 ,于 1998年结集出版了《写文化之后 :当代人类学的认识论和实践》 ,试图提出一些可能的方案。反观“写文化”和“写文化之后” ,我们可以看到一些对人类学理论和实践发展具有深刻意义的方面。 相似文献
13.
Ji Young Kang 《Social Policy & Administration》2020,54(6):952-970
Despite the critical role that paid maternity leave can assume in the economic lives of low-income families, research to date has paid insufficient attention to whether paid maternity leave reduces welfare use for low-income families. Using the Current Population Survey (CPS) March Supplement 2007–2014 with the difference-in-difference (DiD) technique, this study finds a significant policy effect of paid maternity leave on reducing the probability of using Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), TANF benefit amounts and TANF participation length. This study confirms that paid maternity leave is likely to prevent low-income families from using welfare during job interruptions stemming from the birth of a child. Given that TANF is often associated with negative political and social connotations, paid maternity leave can be used as an important social policy to improve economic security as well as offer empowerment in overall social standing for low-income mothers. The discussion focuses on the implications of the findings in a broader context of American welfare states. 相似文献
14.
Tair Karazi‐Presler 《Gender, Work and Organization》2020,27(4):615-631
This article explores a surprising and seemingly mundane organizational practice: passing notes during professional meetings. Based on 34 in‐depth interviews with women in a hyper‐masculine organization — the Israeli military — this study focuses on what I term gendered practices of public ambiguity. It demonstrates how these practices shed light on three interrelated paths to power at work: (i) practices of public intimacy between men; (ii) practices of women's degradation by men; and (iii) practices of recognition claims by women. The tension between the publicity inherent in the routine passing of notes and the ambiguity of their contents calls for a more nuanced theorization of gendered power practices, which transcends the accepted dichotomy of doing and undoing gender, reproducing or challenging the symbolic gender order. The findings show that gendered micro‐practices can become polysemic symbolic spaces in which women redirect the flow of power, if only temporarily and locally, and turn it into a multidirectional and multi‐agentic resource. The conceptual contribution of these findings is discussed in terms of the positioning of women in hyper‐masculine environments as pragmatic subjects who (re‐)construct mechanisms of power out of the restricted repertoire available to them. 相似文献
15.
Bianca Gonzalez-Sobrino 《Sociological Forum》2020,35(Z1):1019-1039
Latinos are often thought as potential game changers in the political world in the United States. As the media discusses and analyzes the 2016 election and the path to the 2020 elections, narratives on the role of Latinos leading up to the 2020 election have started to emerge. In this article, I seek to examine how U.S. daily newspapers frame the role of Latinos in the 2016 election and leading up to the 2020 elections. Previous literature has focused on the racialized media coverage of African American politicians and the effects of racial priming; however, extant literature has not explored how Latinos are framed in U.S. media when it comes to electoral politics. Using a sample of newspaper articles from the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, and Wall Street Journal, I found that newspapers largely focus on the demographic changes while operating under various assumptions about those changes. First, newspapers frame Latinos as more likely to vote for a politician if they are Latino. Second, they construct Latinos as a monolithic ethnoracial group that has simplistic interests in immigration. Third, Latino voters and African American voters are often lumped into the same category when discussing mobilization. These narratives continue a tradition of framing Latinos in monolithic ways, while also showing slight departures from previous narratives. 相似文献
16.
Sandya Hewamanne 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2019,26(2):165-183
This article explores how former factory workers negotiate new identities in villages, as new brides, mothers and daughters-in-law, after 5–6 years of employment in an urban Free Trade Zone. I argue that their performances of self-discipline and disavowal of transgressive knowledges allow them to make use of the limited social, economic and political spaces available while gradually reshaping local understandings about the good daughter-in-law. Former workers’ strategic deployment of social conformity represents the foundation on which their entry into village social, economic, political spaces is based on. Although individual social conformity would conventionally be identified as everyday politics, I argue that former workers’ performance of self-discipline and social conformity is strategic and leads to changes in gender norms and village social hierarchies and thus represents a form of politics that is in between everyday and transformative politics – politics that creates conditions of possibility for social transformations. 相似文献
17.
This article responds to calls in this journal for increased attention to identity, culture, power and sport. It explores, for the first time, the lived realities of identity politics in a divided society, through interviews with 12 self-declared Irish nationalists and republicans that represented Northern Ireland. Important insights are revealed into national eligibility decisions for either Irish team, motivated mainly by ‘shop window’ visibility and being seen as the best of a peer group. Political and sporting nationalisms were not necessarily analogous. A significant original finding is that the lived experiences of being closer to ‘the other’ resulted in an overall reinforcement rather than dissolution of difference. Visual and oral ‘national’ symbols such as flag, and especially anthem, delineated such difference, being symbolic walls of the mind. ‘Our wee country’ was thus a polarised and polarising fantasy shield. The article concludes by reconsidering the role of sport as a lens through which to examine identity and its’ place as part of the ‘problem’ and ‘solution’. 相似文献
18.
国际政治的权力周期理论的核心要素是相对权力、角色.权力周期理论在和传统的均势理论、体系稳定、霸权稳定论、机制理论的对比中凸显其特点,其动态均衡--横向静态的均势与纵向动态的国家权力涨衰相融;相对权力和角色的互动影响世界体系的变化. 相似文献
19.
陈林侠 《上海大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,(2):32-39
台湾电影在极度惨淡后终于迎来新生,不断刷新票房纪录,成为近年来华语电影的亮点。它以都市危机为切入点,反思与省籍意识相关的岛内空间的布局与规划。"地方感"在电影中得到前所未有的强化,借助"观光经济"的发展,在经济全球化的"再规划"中获得了自身的地位。这种经济的"量变"积累逐渐产生了政治影响,促使地方政治的变局。但是,受限于岛内政治现实,台湾电影始终未能真正成为表达"政治异见"的"小媒介"。 相似文献
20.
网络时代的到来,给思想政治教育工作带来了严峻的挑战,高校只有深入研究网络时代与思想政治教育的关系,才能不断推进思想政治工作的优化与创新。 相似文献