先秦中国与古代希腊

历史比较魅力无穷。先秦中国与古代希腊都出现了“轴心期文明”,产生了影响久远的原创文化,具有强烈的可比性。通过比较可以看到差异,承认差异,才能既各美其美又美人之美,最终实现美美与共、世界大同。     

WHAT IS THE MULTITUDE?

Nicholas Brown and Imre Szeman continue their conversation with Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. (See ‘The Global Coliseum: On Empire’ in Cultural Studies, 16.2, (March 2002), p. 177–192). In this new interview they press the authors of Empire and Multitude on questions that have arisen both out of their own involvement with the theoretical issues generated by Empire and from new areas opened up by Multitude. Why is the multitude not a class? How can the unity of a political project be maintained in the multiplicity of the multitude? Is democracy still a project for the future? Can a political subject constitute itself outside the structure of sovereignty? In other words, what is the multitude?     

《反海外腐败法》管辖权扩张的启示————兼论渐进主义视域下的中国路径

经济全球化使各国法治相互关联,腐败问题早已突破一国的界限,日益具有全球性。海外反腐败涉及各国经济、政治和社会文化等诸多因素,已成为世界难题,无法通过简单、线性的方式解决。此外,囚徒困境又使各国集体行动陷入进退维谷的境地。为了破解全球反腐败的难题,在渐进主义的路径下,美国《反海外腐败法》开启了海外反腐败的全球治理之门。我国日渐融入全球化进程,也与全球法治产生了更为密切的联系。《反海外腐败法》不仅对在美融资的中国私人发行人、非居民企业进行管辖,而且借由代理理论和共谋责任理论不断扩张其管辖范围,给我国政府和企业带来了巨大影响。因此,面对美国海外反腐败法律不断扩张的管辖权和日益提高的国际响应度,中国政府和企业也应该积极作为,在渐进主义的思路下参与全球反腐败治理,完善国内立法并规范企业商业行为,以更好地维护我国主权和国家利益,并为促进全球治理的达成和法治的繁荣作出努力。     

马君武传输主权在民的旨趣探究

近代中国,依据《民约论》的译介,马君武传输了主权在民思想。其间,马君武与卢梭形成了跨越时空的对话。透过文本发现,马君武关注的是主权在民说的发展脉络,而主权在民说的理论基础,即有关人的自然权利的演绎并没有涉及。在大多数情况下,马君武给予的是一种诠释性的解读,而非概念或学理上的分析。在马君武的话语体系中,主权在民的制度载体就是建立共和政体,实现期望已久的民主,民主与共和大而化之地混同在一起。     

Operations and systems research in the era of knowledge civilization

Abstract

This article discusses new and future challenges for operations and systems research during and after informational revolution, in the era of knowledge civilization. The concepts of the knowledge civilization era and its features are discussed: the informational revolution, the dematerialization of work, the conceptual revolution and the change of episteme. As an example of conceptual revolution, new micro-theories of knowledge creation and their relation to group decision processes are presented. An evolutionary theory of intuition, its tremendous power but also fallibility, is discussed. Other examples of conceptual revolution concern the multimedia principle, the emergence principle and a general spiral of evolutionary knowledge creation. Against this background, the issue of objective ranking is presented. Other challenges for operations and systems research might relate to the main conflicts and dangers in the era of information revolution, namely the main conflict of this era concerning the property of knowledge, the tension between the traditional individual combined with public property of knowledge, on the one hand, and the trend towards corporate privatization (or corporatization) of knowledge, on the other, or another important conflict the threat of computer and robot domination over humanity. Conclusions stress the need of new concepts and even change of paradigmatic basis (the hermeneutical horizon) in operations and systems research in response to the challenges, chances and threats of informational revolution.     

In the sovereign machine: sovereignty,governmentality, automaticity

Abstract

This essay explores a series of sovereign ‘machines’ – slaves, puppets, automata – in political theory from Benjamin to Agamben. It is now well-documented that the philosophical question of ‘the machine’ – of whether a complex system requires a human operator or whether it can function autonomously – is also a crucial political question that haunts every discussion of sovereignty from Hobbes onwards. However, my wager in what follows is that this machine is not just a metaphor for a metaphysical situation – whether it be rationality (Hobbes), bureaucratization (Weber), neutralization (Schmitt), historicism (Benjamin) or governmentality (Foucault) – but a material phenomenon that carries transformative political promise and threat. To summarize the argument of this essay, I contend that ‘sovereign machines’ like slavery (Aristotle, Hegel, Kojève, Agamben), puppets, automata or clockwork (Descartes, Hobbes, Schmitt, Benjamin, Derrida), lens, optics and mirrors (Hobbes, Kantorowicz, Benjamin, Lacan, Foucault) and so on do not merely reflect but change our understanding of the causal relationship between sovereignty and governmentality, decision and norm, exception and rule. If the self-appointed task of the modern political theorist has so often been to obtain or regain sovereignty of, or over, the machine – to jam its gears – I seek to expose what the later Derrida calls the ‘machine’ of sovereignty itself. In conclusion, I argue that political theory’s attempt to reveal or retroactively invent the sovereign person at the heart of the machine only ends up revealing the sovereign machine at the heart of the person. What – if anything – is really inside the machine of sovereignty?     

Sovereignty and the other in Ecuadorian nationalist discourse

This article explores how exhortations for national unity are intrinsically linked to the symbolic displacement of a problematic other through an examination of elite Ecuadorian nationalist discourse and its construction of Indigenous activists as internal enemies. Specifically, this article looks at the role that the 2008 border row between Ecuador and Colombia played in publicly legitimating a concept of Ecuadorian citizenship rooted in racial homogeneity. Ecuador's northern border served as an ideal mechanism for performing the Ecuadorian state's authority to establish the internal borders that separated ‘citizens’ from ‘enemies’. These performances of state legitimacy highlighted Ecuador's victimisation by a more powerful neighbour/imperial proxy as a means for building regional empathy, while reinforcing the legitimacy of the Ecuadorian government to marginalise Indigenous social movements as a means to symbolically assert ‘national unity’.     

Military Invasion and Women's Political Representation

The bodies produced by the violent practice of suicide bombing are a source of horror and disgust. They are, in feminist psychoanalyst Julia Kristeva's concept, abject: that which defies borders and is expelled to create the self. As ‘abject bodies’, suicide bombers' bodies frustrate attempts at calculation and rational control of security risks, and, in their mutilated flesh, expose as unstable the idea of the body as a whole with clearly defined boundaries between inside and outside. Female suicide bombers, whose bodies are already considered ‘abject’, produce a politics of the body that exceeds narratives of victimhood, and whose very monstrosity symbolically threatens the foundations of the nation-state. Attempts at constructing subjects out of the mutilated bodily remains of victims and perpetrators of suicide bombings are key practices in the production of the state and gendered subjects. The practice of suicide bombing and efforts to recover and resignify bodies reveals how power molds and constitutes the border of the body and state simultaneously. The explosive body of the suicide bomber thus has destabilizing effects beyond the motivations of its perpetrators and exposes the political work necessary to maintain the illusion of secure, bounded bodies and states.     

Migrant encounters with neo-colonial masculinity: producing European sovereignty through emotions

The EU/European political community’s reaction to irregular migrants is ambivalent. On the one hand, migrants are produced as people to be pitied, rescued, and saved. On the other hand, they are feared, despised, and left to die. The article explores this ambivalence from a gender perspective and asks how sovereign masculinities are produced through emotional performances in the politics of migration control and management. It will be argued that emotions such as fear, disgust, and compassion are performed in the biopolitical security governance of irregular migration by producing a “socially abject” life as its object. This is a life that is to be killed, despised, and saved. Encounters between the irregular migrant and a European border security actor constitute a neo-colonial masculinity. During the moment of the encounter with the other’s life, sovereignty is produced through emotional performances of border security actors. The discussion concludes with illustrations of how racialized bodies and lives are produced as objects of fear, disgust, and compassion through European neo-colonial masculinity. The article speaks to the debates in the literature on masculinities in global politics, emotions and politics, and critical border studies.     

Soft Sovereignty,Rising Powers,and Subnational Foreign Policy-Making: The Case of India

Abstract

The rise of ‘new powers’ in international politics has been frequently associated with a re-emergence of traditional notions of sovereignty as a backlash against the weakening of nation-state sovereignty related to globalization. We argue that the coexistence of these trends has led to new forms of ‘soft sovereignty’. Soft sovereignty means that rising powers both gain and lose authority: From above, their freedom from interference within the international state system is strengthened due to their new status and influence. At the same time, rising powers’ governments are losing authority due to the rise of a multiplicity of sub and transnational actors from below. We apply the concept of soft sovereignty to the analysis of foreign policy-making in India as a least-likely case of a weakening of sovereignty from within a sovereignty-oriented rising power. The analysis of India's relations with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka reveals the huge impact that subnational governments have had on India's policies towards its South Asian neighbours over the past years. The dynamics observed in the case of India reflect many of the traits of current globalization processes, from regionalization to identity politics to the multiplication of actors in the conduct of foreign politics.