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1.
The rapid diffusion of social media is ushering in a new era of crisis communication. To enhance our understanding of the social-mediated dialogue between organizations and their publics in crises of China, this study conducts a content analysis of 61 relevant journal articles published in 2006–2018. Results of this research present an overview of ongoing research trends such as theoretical frameworks and methodological preferences. This research also explores how the unique Chinese social media characteristics affect the dialogue between types of organizations and their publics. Contextual factors such as face and favor, relationship (Guanxi) and sentiment (Renqing), and the centralized political system that may facilitate/inhibit dialogue in crises of China are identified as well. Finally, this study suggests promising new directions such as a scholarly assessment tool for the social-mediated crisis communication research in China.  相似文献   
2.
This study explores the use of Weibo in a protest against a nuclear fuel processing plant in China. This study argues that social media play an important role in the development of protests in non-democratic societies through the mechanism of preference revelation, which blurs the boundary between offline protests and the individualized expression of preferences on social media. Of Weibo tweets which were posted prior to the occurrence of the offline protest, 11,788 protest-related were examined with the aid of a supervised machine learning technique. The results showed that the revelation of personal preferences in the form of individualized expressions of opposition were more common than mobilization and coordination, and such preferences were legitimized by the personal frames of risk and the distrust in government. The use of Weibo to mobilize potential opponents to the project, primarily by calling for the expression of opposition, was less frequent than the use of Weibo to express personal frames. Furthermore, the prevalence of Weibo usage changed dramatically. In the first few days of the protest, the revelation of personal preferences and personal frames of risk were prominent, whereas personal frames of distrust in government were common in the days leading to the street protest.  相似文献   
3.
网络环境衍生了大量的网络新词,而微博应用程序作为新的交际媒介提供了充实的网络新词作为语料。经过对网络新词的归纳分析,网络新词语义呈现出以下特点:语素变异、语义范围扩大化、语义感情色彩反转化和结构互文化,而词缀结构压制、词汇压制和社会文化因素的压制是网络新词语义变化的驱动力。  相似文献   
4.
三卷本《菩萨本缘经》题名为僧伽斯那撰、支谦译,但考察此经的著录和僧伽斯那的生平,可知该经的撰集者尚不能确定。通过对经中“地了”、“某甲”、“涅槃”、“摩睺罗伽”、“阿修罗”、“颇梨”等词语以及疑问副词“将非”、疑问语气词“耶”和“乎”、被动句等语法现象的考证,得知该经的翻译者不可能是支谦。此外,该经独特的外在结构也使其在形式上与支谦所有可靠译经有明显区别。综合文献学、语言学、文体结构特点三方面的论证得出如下结论:《菩萨本缘经》的撰集者目前尚无法确知,译者不可能是支谦,其翻译年代应晚于三国时期,可能在西晋之后。  相似文献   
5.
This study develops a model for analyzing the flow of frames and the multiple levels of framing effects in Chinese crisis communication both online and offline. To investigate the convergence and/or divergence of traditional media and social media in framing a crisis event in China, the study uses the sample of a celebrity scandal case that received extensive attention both online and offline. The empirical findings showed that crisis communicative strategies (CCSs), that is, the frames used in crisis communication, were correlated with those used in newspaper coverage (i.e. frames in representation) but were not correlated with the CCSs used by the online public (i.e. frames in thoughts). Specific and defensive CCSs, such as attacking the accusers and denial, led to fewer favorable responsibility-oriented frames than ambiguous strategies, such as excuses and justification. This finding supports the assumptions of classic situational crisis communication theory. However, none of the above-mentioned CCSs significantly predicted the relationship-oriented frames in thoughts. Relationship-oriented frames were found to be a predictor of the valence of online public opinion whereas no CCS was observed to be influential in the online public opinions expressed by social media users.  相似文献   
6.
This article examines how the technical layout of some online platforms shapes the way individuals engage in public debate online. To do so, the research studies an empirical case of how public debating on Weibo—China's equivalent to Twitter—leads to opinion polarization. The technical layout of Weibo strongly influences how users debate with others. The thread‐based message structure fragments the interactional context, preventing users from gaining a clear picture about other discussants and the ongoing conversation. Weibo's technical design, which enables simultaneous interactions with multiple audiences (of which many users are unaware), further complicates the debates. Consequently, users become confused about their audience and where their replies are targeted, and subsequent interpersonal tension sparks as they adopt interactive strategies (sharing personal experiences, adding situational elaborations, and seeking solidarity through opinion) to reduce this confusion. Ironically, these strategies often serve to further polarize opinions. A video abstract is available at https://youtu.be/U5qdm6eiQ1M .  相似文献   
7.
网络谣言是由信息失真产生的不良信息,本文从微博社交网络谣言事件传播演化一般过程出发,研究谣言信息与辟谣信息的竞争传播过程,基于SIR模型进行改进,从系统动力学视角构建谣言信息和辟谣信息的竞争传播模型,并使用Anylogic软件实现模型仿真。实验表明,网民素养较高时,谣言信息的传播规模显著萎缩。节点接触环境中辟谣信息的接触权重较大时,能有效抑制谣言的传播。进而总结了研究的理论意义和实践意义,提出了提高网民素质、对网络节点的接触环境进行调控等网络空间不良信息治理建议。  相似文献   
8.
在大数据时代的背景下,人们对数据和信息的需求越来越高。2010年微博以其实时性、便捷性、简易性等特点迅速占领互联网高地。"90后"大学生普遍利用微博获取信息、交友聊天、求职应聘以及参加各种社会活动,是微博用户中的重要群体。对重庆6所高校4830名大学生的调查发现,对"90后"大学生微博使用影响最大的是微博的兼容性,其次是微博的导向性和便捷性,微博的简易性对"90后"大学生使用微博的影响相对较小。从学生、管理者和学校层面做好微博时代下"90后"大学生思想政治工作极为重要。  相似文献   
9.
君明臣贤、政治清明,是司马迁的政治理想。 理想的人君,应该是吃苦在前,享乐在后,推行宽厚俭易的仁政。理想的人臣,应该是忠言 直谏,为民请命;勤心国事,一切以国家利益为重。面对现实,司马迁杜绝“空言”,实事 求是地总结了深刻的历史经验和教训。  相似文献   
10.
利用问卷调查法,展示了中国公众使用政务新媒体的现状,公众最经常使用的新媒体政务工具依次为政务微信、政务APP、政务微博.注重分析人口与社会经济特征、新媒体使用习惯、政治影响因素对公众使用政务新媒体的影响.回归结果表明,公众的新媒体使用习惯与是否使用其他类别政务新媒体的影响关系最为显著,呈现出"同质增长、异质削减、关联促进"的特点.研究还显示,使用政务微信能够显著提升公众的政府满意度,使用政务微博主要提升信息公开满意度,使用政务APP则对信息公开、政府回应满意度均有积极影响.  相似文献   
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