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1.
刘成 《重庆大学学报(社会科学版)》2021,27(2):200-213
中国共产党高度重视意识形态建设工作,百年来意识形态演进受到诸多因素影响,其中,基本国情、社会主要矛盾、国际形势、意识形态规律是最主要的影响因素.梳理百年来党的意识形态工作发展历程,主要包括革命战争年代、新中国成立至改革开放前、改革开放时期、新时代意识形态工作等四个意识形态重要发展演进阶段.基本形成了坚持马克思主义指导地位是意识形态工作的根本遵循、捍卫党对意识形态绝对领导权是意识形态工作的组织保障、坚守符合中国基本国情原则是意识形态工作的演进理路、坚持党性与人民性相统一是意识形态工作的思想根基、坚持意识形态斗争性与主流意识形态引导性相协调是意识形态工作的方法指引、践行将中华优秀传统文化融入意识形态建设是意识形态工作的文化源泉等党开展意识形态建设的重要经验.实现了意识形态话语体系由革命话语向社会主义建设话语再到全面深化改革话语的时代自我更新与发展创新.进入新时代,中国共产党更要敢于斗争、善于斗争,在斗争中丰富意识形态价值、纠正意识形态偏向、引领意识形态发展,为实现中华民族伟大复兴凝聚意识形态最强合力,这也是中国共产党建立百年来意识形态工作理论进路的逻辑旨归. 相似文献
2.
Bal Krishna Sharma 《Journal of Sociolinguistics》2018,22(1):77-99
In this article, I investigate commodification discourses and ideologies of English from the perspective of Nepali tourism workers. Drawing data from interviews with porters and trekking guides in Nepal, I argue that English is not seen as merely a transactional means to convey meaning; it works in combination with the traditional form of labor and care in the local economy, establishing itself as a powerful tool to establish closer interpersonal relationships, enhance such interpersonal relationships for economic gains and commodify local identities and cultures in the tourism market. The interview and ethnographic details show that language learners are agentive and capable of making sense of their actions by positioning themselves variously in terms of ethnicity, economic class and job category. These workers think that tourists' linguistic and financial resources are the empowering tools that enable them to travel to locations that they want. They also want to empower themselves with English skills and translocal imaginaries to travel and see the world beyond their immediate reach. Repertoires in English are considered as instruments to mediate their imaginaries and the foreign worlds they want to be part of. 相似文献
3.
Joana Westphal 《Social movement studies》2018,17(1):19-34
Since summer 2014, the insurgent group ‘Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’ (ISIS) has become a major concern for international politics and global security due to its rapid territorial gains, violent operations and the propagation of Salafi-jihadist ideology. This study aims to enhance the academic understanding of ISIS by demystifying the ideological reasoning behind its use of violence. It therefore investigates the link between structural factors that served ISIS’s evolution, its ideological outlook and the significance of this ideology to legitimize violent action. As its theoretical basis, the study employs framing processes within the study of social movements. Methodologically, discursive frame analysis serves to explore the relation of ISIS’s ideology to structural events and experiences to better understand how the group justifies violence. Therefore, the study draws on audio speeches and issues of the magazines Dabiq and Dar al-Islam published by ISIS, which are examined on the rhetoric of othering, collective identity and justifying violence. It is argued that ISIS constructs a collective action frame which creates a social reality that bestows the group with a rationale for action. ISIS’s ideology, based on Islamic symbolism, presents an interpretative lens which assigns meaning to the structural environment of ISIS’s emergence. In this context, violence is justified as a necessity to defend Islam and as an obligation for the true Muslim believer. The discussion concludes that ISIS’s ideology legitimizes the very existence of the group and conceals its mundane struggle for power, territory and wealth through reference to divine authority. 相似文献
4.
5.
《Public Relations Review》2022,48(1):102149
This study applied the contingency theory of conflict management to examine how contingency factors influence the public’s perceptual and behavioral responses to COVID-19 and stance toward the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). In particular, we tested political ideology as an important individual characteristic variable to examine its roles in the contingency theory framework. The findings revealed that two situational variables (i.e., threat appraisal and attitudes toward CDC) positively influenced the public’s contingency accommodation stance toward the CDC. Furthermore, greater conservatism was significantly associated with lower levels of threat appraisal and more negative attitudes toward the CDC, however it did not influence the stance toward the CDC. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
6.
立德树人是高校人才培养的根本任务,课程思政是实现立德树人的重要途径。在课程教学中,将基础课程、专业课程、综合性课程与思政内容有机融合,可以有效实现全过程育人。经济数学课程的教学应立足教学内容,深度挖掘经济数学的思政元素,将知识传授、能力培养、价值塑造等融为一体。在经济数学的课前准备、课堂教学和课后延伸中,可以通过引入数学发展史和数学家科学精神、讲述学校文化背景和历史传承、探究经济应用问题典型案例、分析讨论行业发展对经济数学的需求等教学措施,实现经济数学课程思政教学的目标,使经济数学教学与思政教育同向同行,互融互促,培养出社会主义的合格建设者和可靠接班人。 相似文献
7.
党的十八大以来,党中央高度重视意识形态工作。近年来,学界围绕融媒体、意识形态建设以及精神生产展开了多维度的深入研究,形成了较为丰硕的成果。国外学界侧重于对媒介展开意识形态批判,与融媒体相关的研究大多集中于探讨新闻媒介领域的传播实践。反观国内学界关于融媒体的研究,大多集中于工具价值层面,主要从技术变迁维度探究主流意识形态建设,且对于精神生产的研究多基于马克思主义经典文本进行理论阐释,鲜有从精神生产的视野出发提出融媒体时代的意识形态建设问题并进行路径论证。今后,学界的研究重点应当侧重融媒体“本体论”意义的阐发,在深入把握精神生产规律中观照意识形态生产,力图在融媒体时代实现精神文化生产与意识形态生产的良性互动与有机融合,提升社会主义主流意识形态的引领力与凝聚力。 相似文献
8.
围绕国家和区域发展需求,结合学校发展定位和人才培养目标,对结构动力学课程进行教学改革与实践。鉴于专业课枯燥单调的特点,在授课过程中采用案例式、讨论式、激趣式等教学方法,活跃课堂氛围,提高学生学习兴趣;改变传统课程考核模式,注重全过程全新考核评价;深入挖掘课程中蕴含的思政教育资源并有机融入课堂,将中华传统优秀文化和辩证唯物主义思想渗透到课程学习,强化学生工程伦理教育,培养学生精益求精的大国工匠精神,激发学生科技报国的家国情怀和使命担当,全面提升研究生知识创新和实践创新能力,可为同类课程提供借鉴与参考。 相似文献
9.
纵观百年发展历程,在革命、建设与改革开放的关键时期,中国共产党始终高度重视以党内集中教育方式加强党的思想建设,推进管党治党,提高党的建设科学化水平,积累了宝贵的经验。有效开展党内集中教育,必须始终坚持以理论武装为首要目标和任务,始终围绕正确的政治路线和政治方向,聚焦党内突出问题,坚持以人民为中心的价值导向,坚持“关键少数”教育与“绝大多数”教育相结合,构建党内集中教育长效机制,不断巩固党内集中教育实践成效。 相似文献
10.
In this article, we join the discussion about the potential consequences of welfare service privatization by examining the relationship between the privatization of welfare service delivery and public opinion about service quality in Sweden. Due to the politically polarized debate about welfare service privatization in Sweden, we also examine the extent to which individualsapos; ideological orientations influence this relationship in both local politicians and ordinary citizens. For local politicians, the results show that a higher municipal degree of privatization is generally associated with slightly lower levels of satisfaction overall with welfare services, although no such relationship exists for the public. Most importantly, however, the results indicate that political ideology constitutes an important moderator in the relationship between privatization and opinions about service quality. Local politicians and, to some extent, ordinary citizens who place themselves to the left on the ideological left–right scale tend to be less satisfied with services as the municipal degree of welfare service privatization increases. For local politicians who position themselves far to the right on the scale, the relationship between welfare service privatization and satisfaction is positive. These findings suggest that there is no clear-cut relationship between privatization and individualsapos; opinions about services; rather, this relationship depends on the ideological predispositions of local politicians and ordinary citizens. 相似文献