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1.
"中华民族多元一体"是中国共产党政治话语体系中的一个重要概念。经过新民主主义革命时期的萌芽和20世纪90年代的孕育,中国共产党在2005年的中央民族工作会议上正式提出"中华民族多元一体"话语。随着中国共产党中华民族观念和理论的变迁,"中华民族多元一体"话语的内涵也日趋丰富和完善,2014年中央民族工作会议后成熟定型。不同时期,中国共产党通过大众传媒将"中华民族多元一体"的政治话语转化成大众喜闻乐见的生活话语,从而塑造大众的中华民族观念,有利于维系民族团结和国家统一。中国共产党"中华民族多元一体"话语的构建遵循话语生产以问题为导向的实践逻辑、话语传播从学术到政治再到大众的延展逻辑、话语内涵从单一到复合的发展逻辑。  相似文献   
2.
文章从微文化视域对大学生理想信念教育话语权进行分析,通过微文化对大学生理想信念教育话语权建构的价值和挑战两个维度进行解析,提出微文化已经成为大学生学习生活的重要组成部分,为大学生理想信念教育话语权建构提供了良好契机,但同时也冲击着大学生理想信念教育话语权威.探索充分认识并利用微文化的优势,既有传承,又有创新,提升理想信念教育话语内容导向性,畅通理想信念教育话语权对话机制,优化理想信念教育话语渠道,建构大学生理想信念教育话语权,是适应新形势、新变化的必然要求,对于高校思想政治工作以及弘扬和培育社会主义核心价值观具有积极意义.  相似文献   
3.
中国特色大国外交话语体系的建构需要考虑多元文化之间的话语权竞争,结合话语传播中要素资源的利用来确定基本原则。这要求我们克服西方二元对立的话语权力观,树立社会建构主义的辩证话语权力观。我们需要挖掘中国优秀传统文化,融合其他民族的优秀文化,建立科学的中国特色外交话语理论体系,适时提出中国话题和中国方案,增强我国的内容掌控权。在参与者上,除传统外交中的政府机构和人员外,还需要组织调动各种非政府组织、企业、机构、个人参与公共外交话语活动,利用通俗方式对外方的普通民众进行潜移默化的宣传解释。在平台上,在加强对传统媒介资源的利用之外,还要充分调动书刊、影视、广告、自媒体等大众传媒手段,增强我国的媒体控制权。这些原则须置于整体外交话语体系之中,保证我国外交话语体系的建构有助于增强我国的外交话语权。  相似文献   
4.
This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.  相似文献   
5.
ABSTRACT

By approaching civility as an operational logic for democracy, we ask how incivility is a strategy related to power and domination, particularly from the president of the United States. We propose that Twitter is part of an infrastructure of incivility, through which structures and discursive mechanisms contribute to a devaluation of normative democratic discourses. Spectacle provides a theoretical framework to contextualize the forces at play in mediating our relations. Using President Trump’s Twitter use as a case study, we offer four propositions that together formulate a framework for theorizing the strategic use and deployment of incivility as an increasingly legitimate, yet problematic tool for democratic governance.  相似文献   
6.
Conceptual linearity and analytic parochialism (aka focus) can make it more difficult for sociolinguists or discourse analysts to apprehend the far‐reaching, exploitative ways inequality is nowadays produced. A suitably material‐cum‐materialist class critique certainly entails empirical and phenomenological worlds flagged by, for example, multi‐sited ethnographies but otherwise side‐lined as merely “extra‐situational” in much talk/text‐directed scholarship. I propose we think more geographically by properly engaging spatiality à la Harvey (1990) and especially the radical politics of simultaneity (Massey, 2005)—the literal, “right‐now” connectedness of places and people. To this end, and allied with deepening interest in political economy, I combine the principles of articulation theory with the procedures of commodity chain analysis for picking apart an epitomic, contemporary manifestation of extreme privilege: the business‐class meal. The proposed discourse‐centred commodity chain analysis offers an ecumenical but systematic framework for tracking how commodity fetishism is actually and discursively accomplished (or not) across dispersed voices, stories, and social meanings.  相似文献   
7.
This article illustrates some of the ways in which the notion of (paid) work is actively being gendered, and how these gendering processes take place not only through organizational practices but also in discourses that circulate outside an organization in the private domain. Drawing on 15 in‐depth interviews with women who opted out of their own professional career in order to accompany their husbands on their overseas work assignment to Hong Kong, we demonstrate some of the benefits of using a discourse analytical approach to capturing and identifying the processes through which these women actively (although not necessarily consciously) gender the notion of work, thereby reinforcing the gender order and its male bias. We argue that identifying and making visible these gendered and gendering practices is an important component of, and a potential trigger for, change both in organizations as well as private contexts.  相似文献   
8.
Historical institutionalist studies have explained institutional change as resulting from critical junctures that interrupt long periods of stability or from endogenous, incremental evolution. Building on these theories, discursive institutionalists have focused on the roles of agency, ideas and discourse as explainers of change. Combining these approaches, this article analyses Finland’s decision in 2014 to transfer the administration of basic social assistance from municipalities to the central government. This study demonstrates that institutional change can be both abrupt and evolutionary. Due to sudden, exceptional political circumstances, the decision in question was made quickly and under pressure, circumventing possible veto players. However, it was possible only because of the incremental, endogenous change that had occurred in the way in which social assistance was administered at the municipal level. It enabled a change in political discourse, which eroded the credibility of the ideational frames that policy actors had previously utilised to reject the centralised model.  相似文献   
9.
目前对隐喻翻译的讨论普遍聚焦喻体等值转换或意象投射等问题,模糊了隐喻认知与修辞隐喻的差异。在综述隐喻的话语功能基础上,对党和国家领导人的发言和政府工作报告中所使用的隐喻及其对应译文进行较为深入的分析,认为政治话语中的隐喻具有阐释与劝说功能。为了发挥政治话语中隐喻的对外阐释与说服功能,翻译应技巧性地选择相应的翻译策略,根据隐喻的功能采用直译、直译加注、转换喻体、换以明喻以及释译喻义等方法进行隐喻翻译,以便更好地提高对外话语的传播效果。  相似文献   
10.
自媒体的出现修正了媒体资源分布失衡的弊端,促使个体身份发生角色转变,进而使话语权的行使形成了“话语权利”与“话语权力”两个维度.前者是言论自由在网络空间的体现,后者是个人言论衍生为媒体式表达后形成的超个体权力.“话语权利”的行使应当受国家对言论自由所设的界限限制,“话语权力”的赋予则使自媒体成为国家新闻管理体制下的“准媒体”,其作为互联网新闻信息服务提供者,应当受到约束与规制.  相似文献   
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