后殖民技科学:科学跨文化传播研究的新维度

在传统科学实在论影响下,欧洲科学的跨文化传播表现为一种单向性线性传播与同质化过程;在后殖民科学观的影响下,"地方性知识"开始切断西方科学在不同文化之间的传播,走向文化相对主义。后殖民技科学观强调在西方科学的全球化传播或地方性建构中,西方科学与地方性知识、西方文化与地方性文化是在互动中共同影响,共同发展,西方在改造非西方的同时,非西方也改造了西方,两种维度是辨证缠绕在一起的。在哲学上,这突破了传统科学实在论与社会建构论的反映论与表象主义,进入了"实践唯物主义"。     

沃勒斯坦世界体系理论的价值及其困境

20世纪70年代,美国学者沃勒斯坦创立的世界体系理论在学术界产生了巨大反响。作为历史导向的马克思主义理论,它把世界体系分析与马克思主义结合起来,丰富了对马克思主义理论的理解。由于缺乏一套科学的社会历史理论,沃勒斯坦在重建世界体系的努力中陷入了悲观主义和历史虚无主义的困境。现从沃勒斯坦世界体系理论的思想渊源入手,在唯物史观的视域下审视世界体系理论的当代价值和内在困境,从总体上把握世界体系分析范式的合理内核和内在启示,进而彰显马克思主义理论强大生命力。它为全面认识社会发展问题提供了重要思路,也为全球化背景下探寻适合发展中国家自身的现代化模式提供了借鉴。     

Implications of Eurocentrism for Social Work Education: Trivialization vis-à-vis Skin Color

The significance of skin color among people of color and its relative absence in social work literature is arguably attributed to Eurocentrism. Eurocentrism defines human reality via Eurocentric norms, ideas, values and perspectives. Evidence of Eurocentrism in social work is contained in its literature priorities, skin color litigation, brown racism and skin bleaching. Demonstration of the aforementioned social pathologies involving skin color pertaining to people of color is a critical, existential phenomenon. If social work is to remain viable and be sustained in the future, it must conform to the dictates of changes in the population. That will require a commensurate adjustment and a willingness of its intelligentsia to accommodate skin color and other alternative views relative to education and practice.     

Eurocentrism,state-centrism and sexual self-determination in the construction of a global democratic organization

ABSTRACT

Based on conversations with and publications of Samir Amin, the article explores connections between his ideas on global political strategy and sexual self-determination. One of the questions is about struggles related to homosexuality in Africa. To what extent did he believe that some of the demands for sexual self-determination, including certain forms of feminism and LGBT rights, were so overly embedded in Eurocentrism that they were not fully suitable for popular struggles in many parts of the Global South? The question is framed in the context of state-centric conceptions of the political. Even if some of the analysis includes a critical tone toward his strategical options, it also highlights the continuing importance of Samir Amin as a point of reference for future struggles to create transnational and global instruments for democratic transformations.     

The Idealization of Light Skin as Vehicle of Social Pathogen vis-à-vis Bleaching Syndrome: Implications of Globalization for Human Behavior

Globalization is manifested via idealization of light skin. On the basis of light skin as worldwide physiological ideal there evolved a prerequisite to enhanced quality of life. The result precipitated the bleaching syndrome as social pathogen among people of color. Western social work academies have been less privy as a result of its disqualification from public discourse. To educate social workers globally will require an acknowledgement of bleaching syndrome. In the aftermath of being informed, people of color and the Western social workers who serve them will move the profession to its next level of service technology.     

一位西方哲人眼中的中国思想世界——读史怀哲《中国思想史》

史怀哲坚守启蒙传统,崇尚理性,认为中国思想,特别是先秦儒家思想具有理性意蕴,所以他对中国思想赞不绝口,并试图在中国思想中再现欧洲一度迷失的启蒙传统;在中国思想史的研究中也注重以"人与自然关系"的伦理思想梳理思想史,重视"天人合一"理念的价值;试图打破欧洲中心主义,注重思想史研究的整体性的方法论也值得我们注意。     

Mesopotamia

The author argues that in order to create space for authentic multicultural engagement in the face of Eurocentric norms, teachers should form discussion groups that follow five basic guidelines: engage, don't enrage; be comfortable with negative emotion; watch for and change unproductive language; talk about everything; and engage in classroom dialogue.     

马克斯·韦伯：基于中国语境的再研究

M.韦伯自20世纪80年代被推介到中国以来，因其思想的复杂性及其同中国现代化需要的契合，一直对中国的学术思想发生着强烈而持久的影响。但是，M.韦伯的思想对中国而言并非无可挑剔。本文选取新儒家代表人物之一的牟宗三关于中西文化的论述同M.韦伯的中西文化观念进行比较研究，明晰了中国儒家思想与西方理论理性之间的互补关系。在此基础上，本文从中西文化的内在特点以及中西交流的历史经验出发，批判了M.韦伯思想中的西方中心论内核，并以之为比照，昭示了中国文化的包容性。     

批判·反思·应用:“大分流”在中国学术界的发酵

彭慕兰《大分流》一书出版已近20年,该书提出的方法和观点一经问世便引发热议,至今仍是学术界关注的前沿问题.作为"大分流"的主要研究对象之一,中国自然成为讨论的核心,中国史学界亦不可避免地成为论战的主阵地.其中,"去中心化"的倾向、比较单位的选取,以及"大分流"的成因是争论的三大焦点,诸多学者发表过议论性文章.初期的争论多停留在批判、反思层面,后随着相关探讨向纵深推进,涌现出大量具体的研究性成果.从整体上看,"大分流"现象讨论在中国学术界持续发酵的过程呈现出由理论之争向实证应用过渡的趋势,是新理论、新方法与学术实践相结合的过程,亦是国内外学术对话不断深化的过程.     

Muslimness as a political formation: an inquiry into Muslim presence

ABSTRACT

In this article, I undertake an investigation into the political significance of Islam and Muslimness. By doing so, I aim to underscore the primacy of Islam’s ontological (constitutive) nature and its irreducibility to any of its ontic (empirical) articulations. This project necessitates the recovery of the political as the moment of the formation of a collective order and community, irreducible to any of its material expressions (e.g. territorial or institutional unity). Thus, the article renounces the objectivity of the secular grammar which fixes, essentializes, and reduces Muslimness to being merely ‘religious’ as opposed to ‘political’. By contrast, it attempts to retrieve Islam’s basic condition of existence and hence emancipate it from the confines of the Western epistemic structure. Toward that end, the article presents a deconstructive analysis of Islam as an autonomous universe of meaning inaugurated by the event of the Divine Revelation to Prophet Muhammad as its originary moment. By doing so, I also emphasize the primacy of Muslimness as a political subjectivity, whose unity and autonomy is contingent upon the drawing of its most universal boundaries and the exclusion of an outside – a function, I argue, which had historically been fulfilled by the mechanism of the caliphate. Finally, the article discusses an alternative conceptualization of diaspora in order to come to grips with the political implications of Muslimness in the post-caliphate world order.