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1.
Fuki Yagi 《Asian Ethnicity》2020,21(3):413-424
ABSTRACT

This paper examines the systematization of Kazakh music in Mongolia during the Soviet era in Bayan-Ölgiy Province, focusing on the music collection and preservation activities led by a theater and radio station. Bayan-Ölgiy is located far from Ulaanbaatar; adjacent to Kazakhstan, Xinjiang (China), and Russia. Using three–years participation observation, this study identified three activities in promoting the systematization of Kazakh music in Mongolia: importing musical knowledge and technology from the Soviet Kazakh Republic (1950–1960s); establishing a radio station and audio archive following the Sino-Soviet split (1960s–1980s); collections of Kazakh music in Mongolia (1960s–1980s). These activities were driving forces for Kazakhs to claim their identity in the post-socialist period in Mongolia. Diener found that Kazakh culture in Mongolia was preserved thanks to the geographic isolation of Bayan-Ölgiy. However, this study clearly identifies international relations and Bayan-Ölgiy’s strategic location as drivers of systematization of Kazakh music in Mongolia.  相似文献   
2.
After independence from the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan proclaimed Kazakhs the title ethnic group, and the Kazakh language the national language. This deprived the Russian-speaking population of its former dominant social position. Being a Russian-speaking citizen of Kazakhstan, the daughter of a half-Korean half-Russian father and a half-Kazakh half-German mother, I did my field work as a presumed ‘native’ anthropologist at Kazakhstan State University with linguistically divided groups of students. The relations between the field and the researcher disclosed different geopolitical realities of knowledge production and challenged the legacy of relativist methodology. I reflect on this experience and examine different conceptualisations of the native positionality in the post-Soviet context. Reflections in this paper raise new questions about nation-building in post-socialist states and about ‘nativeness’ itself, and contribute to the criticism of postmodern theory.  相似文献   
3.
The current study seeks to understand the nature of gender relations within a post‐Soviet welfare model in Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and Russia. On the basis of the analysis of key labour market indicators, parental leave, and childcare policies, it finds that the welfare models in the three countries are hybrid, and neither authoritarianism in Kazakhstan and Russia nor democracy in Mongolia lead to substantive gender equality outcomes. Persistent gender inequality in these countries is underpinned by the neo‐liberal approach to welfare provision, conservative social norms, and limited agency of civil society to influence the policy agenda. Nonetheless, these states have distributed to the population with an emphasis on working mothers, and this policy choice has been driven by economic, demographic, and political considerations, which ultimately serve to support, rather than transform, the patriarchal power structure in these societies.  相似文献   
4.
杨恕  王琰 《新疆社会科学》2012,(4):67-74,143,144
医疗保险制度改革是哈萨克斯坦医疗改革的重要组成部分。独立以后,在全民免费医疗无法维持的情况下,哈萨克斯坦政府先后实施了强制医疗保险制度和自愿医疗保险制度。然而,这两种医疗保险制度的运行效果远远没有达到政府和民众的预期。目前,哈萨克斯坦又出现了恢复强制医疗保险制度的倾向。纵观哈萨克斯坦医疗保险制度的发展过程,可以认为,这种改革缺乏持续性的政策和明确的目标。另外,如何妥善解决社会公平和效率之间的关系,以及转变民众的医疗卫生观念,是未来哈萨克斯坦医疗保险改革亟待解决的深层问题。  相似文献   
5.
新亚欧大陆桥和中哈石油管道的开通及中哈之间签署的一系列双边和多边协定。为跨国区域经济合作创造了良好的跨国公共产品与跨国俱乐部产品供求基础;地理区位优势和跨国公共产品有效供给是国际贸易和跨国区域经济合作比较优势充分发挥的重要条件和基本前提;双边贸易和跨区域合作中既有比较优势,又面临风险。中国与哈萨克斯坦双边经贸必须充分发挥双方的优势,防止贸易摩擦、贸易不平衡性、贸易波动性、地缘政治和恐怖主义活动带来的风险。  相似文献   
6.
哈萨克斯坦共和国的现代教育体制是国家经济的重要组成部分 ,是国家内外安全的保证。国家安全的方方面面 :经济和军事、生态和技术、文化和管理——都对教育体系有影响。教育体制质量上的转变对国家的主权、政治及经济上真正的独立都发挥着重要的作用。本文分析了哈萨克教育体制中基本因素的动态变化情况  相似文献   
7.
独立后,哈萨克斯坦国的宗教状况和政教关系发生了诸多变化,宗教地位在民众社会生活中不断上升,传统宗教(伊斯兰教和东正教)与非传统宗教之间的竞争加大,伊斯兰极端主义对国家安全的破坏日益明显。《宗教活动与宗教团体法》(2011)的出台为规范宗教活动、遏制某些宗教的极端化奠定了基础。宗教政策经历了从宽松到趋紧的过程,族际和睦与宗教和谐政策的政教关系已初步形成,宗教状况的发展趋势将会受到多种因素的影响。  相似文献   
8.
Determining the difference in perception of risk between experts, or more educated professionals, and laypeople is important so that a potential hazard can be effectively communicated to the public. Many surveys have been conducted to better understand the difference between expert and public opinions, and often laypeople exhibit higher perceptions of risk to hazards in comparison to experts. This is especially true when health risk is due to radiation, nuclear power, and nuclear waste. This article focuses on one section of a risk perception survey given to two groups of individuals with a more specialized education (scientists and physicians) and laypeople (villagers) in the Semipalatinsk region of Kazakhstan. All of these groups live near the former Soviet nuclear test site. Originally, it was expected that the scientists and physicians would have similar perceptions of radiation risk, while the public perceptions would be higher, but this was not always the case. For example, when perceptions of risk pertain to the health impacts of nuclear testing or the dose-response nature of radiation exposure, the physicians tend to agree with the laypeople, not the scientists. The villagers are always the most risk-averse group, followed by the physicians and then the scientists. These differences are likely due to different frames of reference for each of the populations.  相似文献   
9.
李睿思 《北方论丛》2021,(1):41-51,146
哈萨克斯坦既是中亚地区发展速度最快的国家,也是唯一与俄罗斯接壤的中亚国家。苏联解体以后,两国不断开展各领域合作,并互为重要战略伙伴。哈萨克斯坦与俄罗斯同为我国重要邻国,与我国有漫长的边界线,是我国“一带一路”倡议的重要参与者。两国关系发展对我国在欧亚地区推进“一带一路”倡议具有十分重要的意义。从苏联解体后哈俄各领域合作取得的成果出发,结合最新形势分析影响两国关系发展的制约因素及对我国的影响,对我国正确研判当前欧亚地区国家间互动关系和“一带一路”建设面临的主要风险与挑战有现实意义和借鉴意义。  相似文献   
10.
威权政治是中亚和东南亚国家转型时期所形成的民主政治模式,哈萨克斯坦和新加坡又是这两个地区中实行威权政治体制的典型国家。两国的威权政治体制既存在相同特征,又存在许多差异性。但是威权政治体制能适应两国国情,并且两国正确地处理了传统与现代的关系以及威权政治与民主政治的关系。因此,在民主机制的载体中,哈萨克斯坦和新加坡威权政治的本质特征将会延续下去。   相似文献   
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