新中国成立初期马克思主义在新疆地区的传播(1949—1955年）

新中国成立初期,马克思主义在新疆地区的传播,历经了从边缘走向中心、从隐蔽走向公开,进而发展为常态化的历史过程。这一过程,蕴涵着马克思主义理论的内在诉求,是中国共产党执政的在场体现,也深度契合了新疆地区各族人民的迫切需求。面对传播过程中出现的话语、文本和媒介等现实问题,党和政府通过加强党组织建设以建构话语路径、翻译出版经典著作以建构文本路径、完善本土大众传媒以建构媒介路径等来化解问题,从而为新疆维吾尔自治区成立奠定了思想与理论基础,强化了中国共产党在新疆地区的组织建设,也推进了本土传播媒介的发展与提升,更为马克思主义在民族地区传播的理论探究提供了现实参考。     

康区"三魔女",还是"康区三度母"——近代康区妇女精英研究

二十世纪上半叶康区三位著名妇女精英甘孜的孔萨?央金堪珠、德格的夏克? 泽旺志玛和瞻对的甲日?其美志玛在康区政治生活中扮演了重要的角色。她们之所以获得权力，是因为康区的传统习惯法以及清末和民国时期的法律都允许妇女在一个家族没有男性继承人的情况下继承名号和土司或头人的地位。为了获得和巩固政治地位，她们往往陷入多方势力的权力争斗中，这些势力包括其家族中的男性、来自其它家族的男性、地方军阀、中央政府，有时还有西藏地方政府。研究揭示了正是康区在夹缝中生存的各土司统治区域割裂、分权的性质为地方首领，特别是妇女领袖提供了较多的施展其政治才能的空间。     

以环境哲学为研究视域的文化自觉

以环境哲学为研究视域的文化自觉是站在明确的生态整体主义立场的学科文化自觉。它以哲学为衔接点，把环境与广义的文化联系在一起，努力为环境哲学寻求新的增长点。而弱的非人类中心主义观念作为观念侧翼，更细致地修复破碎染尘之人心。让人类有效地从社会走向自然，又从自然回归社会。审视以环境哲学为研究视域能否实现文化自觉？它必须立足以环境哲学的语境与方式思考文化自觉的可能与必然，并应用环境哲学的方法与逻辑阐释文化自觉的内涵与趋向。环境哲学所固有的自然之翼，是其学科存在的本质特征。但如若停滞于自然界的现象，而无文化元素的参与和交融，环境哲学的困顿将会在现象与抽象之间迷失。而文化元素的加入，又必须在自觉的前提下进行，它一方面是为融合确定边界，另一方面是为渗透找到根据。以对人类与自然界高度负责的精神，文化自觉与环境哲学都有着共同的使命：欣赏人与自然的和谐相处。     

关于高校中层副职干部几个基本问题的思考

高校中层副职干部具有高校干部、中层干部和副职干部的群体特征，应当具备相应的政治、思想、道德、业务、能力和身体等方面的基本素质。高校应当按照现行干部配置规制，结合内部管理体制和工作机制任用干部。高校中层副职干部的日常活动涉及到社会、学校、家庭等多个层面，必须妥善处理好各种人事关系。     

Institutional evolution and abrupt change: Reforming the administration of social assistance in Finland

Historical institutionalist studies have explained institutional change as resulting from critical junctures that interrupt long periods of stability or from endogenous, incremental evolution. Building on these theories, discursive institutionalists have focused on the roles of agency, ideas and discourse as explainers of change. Combining these approaches, this article analyses Finland’s decision in 2014 to transfer the administration of basic social assistance from municipalities to the central government. This study demonstrates that institutional change can be both abrupt and evolutionary. Due to sudden, exceptional political circumstances, the decision in question was made quickly and under pressure, circumventing possible veto players. However, it was possible only because of the incremental, endogenous change that had occurred in the way in which social assistance was administered at the municipal level. It enabled a change in political discourse, which eroded the credibility of the ideational frames that policy actors had previously utilised to reject the centralised model.     

“Who generates this city”? Socialist strategy in contemporary London

This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.     

Linguists and other animals

Book reviewed in this article:
Joan Dunayer, Animal Equality: Language and Liberation     

JOURNAL OF UNIVERSITY OF SHANGHAI FOR SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 2002 Vol.24 No.1～4 Total Contents

在学习英语时,中西文化背景的差异,往往会给我们的阅读带来很大的困难。本文拟从词汇的文化内涵、历史典故和西方现代历史文化等三个方面来论述中西文化差异对篇章阅读的影响。     

以人民为本是中国共产党的执政之基

中国古代的民本思想明确提出的“民为神主”、“民为邦本”、“民贵君轻”等朴素唯物主义观点,对于我党坚持“三个代表”重要思想,坚持群众观点,坚持立党为公、执政为民,深化中国共产党与人民群众的关系,加强自身建设,丰富和发展马克思主义人民观具有重要的现实意义。