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1.
党的十八大以来,党中央高度重视意识形态工作。近年来,学界围绕融媒体、意识形态建设以及精神生产展开了多维度的深入研究,形成了较为丰硕的成果。国外学界侧重于对媒介展开意识形态批判,与融媒体相关的研究大多集中于探讨新闻媒介领域的传播实践。反观国内学界关于融媒体的研究,大多集中于工具价值层面,主要从技术变迁维度探究主流意识形态建设,且对于精神生产的研究多基于马克思主义经典文本进行理论阐释,鲜有从精神生产的视野出发提出融媒体时代的意识形态建设问题并进行路径论证。今后,学界的研究重点应当侧重融媒体“本体论”意义的阐发,在深入把握精神生产规律中观照意识形态生产,力图在融媒体时代实现精神文化生产与意识形态生产的良性互动与有机融合,提升社会主义主流意识形态的引领力与凝聚力。  相似文献   
2.
In this article, we join the discussion about the potential consequences of welfare service privatization by examining the relationship between the privatization of welfare service delivery and public opinion about service quality in Sweden. Due to the politically polarized debate about welfare service privatization in Sweden, we also examine the extent to which individualsapos; ideological orientations influence this relationship in both local politicians and ordinary citizens. For local politicians, the results show that a higher municipal degree of privatization is generally associated with slightly lower levels of satisfaction overall with welfare services, although no such relationship exists for the public. Most importantly, however, the results indicate that political ideology constitutes an important moderator in the relationship between privatization and opinions about service quality. Local politicians and, to some extent, ordinary citizens who place themselves to the left on the ideological left–right scale tend to be less satisfied with services as the municipal degree of welfare service privatization increases. For local politicians who position themselves far to the right on the scale, the relationship between welfare service privatization and satisfaction is positive. These findings suggest that there is no clear-cut relationship between privatization and individualsapos; opinions about services; rather, this relationship depends on the ideological predispositions of local politicians and ordinary citizens.  相似文献   
3.
ABSTRACT

Although hegemony has been understood as the property of nation-states and the ruling classes, this paper explores cultural hegemonies among diasporic peoples by examining the pervasive compliance of Hmong living in Laos and the United States with the principles of their kinship system. Since these kinship rules are inculcated through parental education from an early age and are seen as essential for maintaining the cohesion of their dispersed diasporic community in the absence of a territorial ancestral homeland, they have become culturally engrained and taken-for-granted by Hmong through their voluntary consent and no longer have to be enforced by overt power and coercive means. However, like all hegemonies, the Hmong kinship system may also confront increasing challenges and contestation as it is enacted in the different nation-states where Hmong reside, and may eventually become an ideology that needs to be actively enforced and imposed by the direct use of power.  相似文献   
4.
先秦儒家廉政思想是我国传统文化的思想遗产和宝贵资源,其廉政方略是通过外在礼的制度和内在德的自律相结合,促使为政者廉洁从政的一种治国理政模式。廉政既是儒家政治体系建构的逻辑起点,也是儒家治国理政思想的终级目标,其主要内容包括为政以廉、以礼保廉、以德养廉、以法促廉、以乐教廉。在廉政建设仍然任重道远的今天,如何继承、转化儒家传统廉政思想和经验,对我国廉政建设有着重要的传承价值和启迪意义。  相似文献   
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6.
以勒菲维尔改写理论为支撑,以王科一《傲慢与偏见》中译本为研究对象,考察20世纪50年代中国主流意识形态和诗学如何操控翻译。研究发现,20世纪50年代的中国主流意识形态处于文化系统中的中心地位,控制赞助人、文艺政策、诗学,对王科一中译本文本的选择、人物形象的塑造、词汇层面的翻译产生了巨大影响。  相似文献   
7.
在大众传播时代,马克思主义意识形态的传播正遭遇新的语境、面临新的挑战,主要表现在五个方面:大众传播对主导意识形态价值的消解、大众传播效应对主导意识形态导向的弱化、大众传播对主导意识形态影响的削弱、大众传媒公信力对主导意识形态权威的牵制、"数字鸿沟"对主导意识形态传播的掣肘。只有实现当代中国主导意识形态与大众传媒的良性互动、和谐共生才是解决主导意识形态传播的关键所在。  相似文献   
8.
典型是马克思主义文论中一个核心的命题,也是社会主义文艺学体系的重要范畴。但是,这一理论却经历了从恩格斯到俄苏再到中国的时空演变。在演变过程中,受制于多方面因素,导致政治意识形态不断对这一范畴的内涵进行规约乃至改写,使得典型从一个带有批判性肯定的文学术语逐渐演变为具有强烈意识形态指向的权力话语。“典型”范畴的意识形态化进程,代表了马克思主义文论命题的普遍遭遇。在当今日渐多元的文化语境中,有必要重新厘清经典命题的原初意涵。  相似文献   
9.
A capitalist market economy is based on several institutional elements, such as private ownership and competition. Does public support for this economic model rise if the economy prospers, and fall during a downturn? Or is public support largely independent of the ups and downs of economic cycles? We hypothesize that positive economic performance increases support and that persons profiting personally are more supportive of the economic system's constitutive institutional elements. Using multilevel regression we study the determinants of individual-level support for the economic system. We also test for differences in the perception of economic performance due to political attitudes and personal properties. The findings partly support the hypotheses, indicating that macro-economic factors matter for individual-level attitudes towards the economy. Attitudes towards different institutional elements of the economic system also differ in the degree to which they are political or economic, and influenced by economic performance. Individual features – education and personal economic stakes – affect attitudes towards the economy, but a substantial share of the individual-level variation in economic attitudes remains unexplained.  相似文献   
10.
The aim of the article is to analyze and to critically examine use of the concept of heteronormativity. We find it important to adjust the concept to some extent in order to analyze, for example, changes occurring in homosexual families, contemporary gender-equal families, or the progressive youth culture. We find two approaches when using the concept. One minimizes the importance of how sexual practices are embedded in social institutions. The first approach becomes too idealistic, whereas the second approach often is based on a structural view of society. This approach makes it hard to imagine a transformation of the family that could lead to more equal and democratic relations in contemporary families. We suggest a third approach, and the possibility of finding creative ways of analyzing actual change and contestations of heteronormativity. An approach containing a space of reflexivity and aiming at political change both involving subjects as well as structures.  相似文献   
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