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1.
聚焦不同时期辽宁自贸区发展建设的政策,通过LDA大数据模型对自贸区建设的阶段性政策文本进行低维主题集合,能够识别大规模文档集中潜藏的主题信息、主题强度及结构特征。在此基础上,对比中央对辽宁自贸区的发展要求,能够准确发掘地方政策实施的侧重点与发展差距,进而识别自贸区建设发展的不足。研究发现:在主题强度上,主题间相似度较低且强度差距不明显;在主题领域上,政策颁布更侧重于行政审批、监管创新、项目建设等领域,而在投资、贸易、外汇管理、金融服务、科技创新、人才政策等领域较薄弱;在主题结构上,行政审批、绩效考核政策主题针对行政体制机制改革,监管创新、政府信息公开、电子信息化服务主题体现“服务型政府”的政策供给重点。基于此,需加强金融贸易、法治营商环境建设、人才引进、企业扶持等领域的政策供给。LDA主题模型;辽宁自贸区;政策文本;聚类分析  相似文献   
2.
“三孩政策”标志着生育政策的进一步优化,它为中国人口长期均衡发展提供了政策保障,在对新中国成立以来两次生育政策转型和优化分析的基础上,从人口长期均衡发展战略、人口问题的再认识、生育意愿和生育行为改变的视角分析中国生育政策优化的基础和内在动力。研究认为,优化生育政策不仅提升了人口出生率,缓解人口老龄化,减轻社会保障制度压力,而且将生育权回归家庭,是对家庭福利和人的全面发展的体现; 为此,在充分发挥“三孩”新人口政策作用的同时,还要有相应的配套措施,将构建共享型社会保障制度、保障女性的生育权和劳动就业权、增加人力资本投资等一体考虑,有助于新的优化生育政策的有效实施。  相似文献   
3.
针对货币政策如何对宏观杠杆率作出反应的问题,构建福利损失函数、动态IS-NK-Phillips曲线和自然利率内生决定方程所刻画的宏观经济约束环境,求解引入宏观杠杆率的最优利率和数量规则,并基于中国1996~2020年的季度宏观经济数据,采用GMM方法和State-Space方法分别估计固定参数和时变参数的最优货币政策规则。研究发现,中国最优利率规则和数量规则均具有显著盯住宏观杠杆的政策取向,且最优利率政策操作相比最优数量政策更具主动性; 最优利率规则促增长同时宏观杠杆率较为稳定,而最优数量规则熨平经济波动同时容易引发宏观杠杆率大幅波动; 面对重大经济冲击时,央行更加注重稳增长的同时包容温和通胀和适度杠杆。央行应对宏观杠杆率予以关注,发挥利率政策促增长的同时把好货币供应总闸门,进一步拓宽优化中国利率政策框架,延伸名义利率调控通货膨胀、实体经济和宏观杠杆的宽度,由不稳定规则转变为稳定规则,增强利率政策对宏观杠杆目标的调节功效,从而促进宏观经济可持续高质量发展。  相似文献   
4.
《Journal of Policy Modeling》2022,44(5):1016-1040
Sponsoring culture is a long-term profit-generating investment that public policy makers can achieve by means of Pigouvian subsidy or tax schemes. This paper evaluates the effectiveness of the three VAT reforms implemented between 2012 and 2018 (one tax raise reform and two tax cut reforms) in the cultural sector in Spain. We first provide visual evidence and empirical estimates of the tax shifting and the distribution of the VAT burden between consumers and producers. We then use a regression discontinuity design to assess the causal effects of these VAT reforms on performing acts and cinema consumption (both in the extensive and the intensive margin). Several interesting findings arise from our results. First, we find that producers only passed through 45% of the VAT cut to consumer prices. Second, the effect of the 2017 VAT reduction on performing arts slightly increased the number of households consuming these cultural services, whereas the 2018 tax cut on cinema had no significant effect in the number of moviegoers (extensive margin). Third, the cultural spending per household conditional on participation (intensive margin) increased after the two VAT rate reductions. Finally, we test for asymmetries in pass-through with respect to the 2012 tax raise and we find (i) no evidence of prices responding more strongly to increases than to decreases in VAT, (ii) a symmetric response of the number of households consuming these cultural services, and (iii) an asymmetric response of the average cultural spending conditional on participation.  相似文献   
5.
The way Australian federal governments have approached Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment and welfare policy over the last two decades has been a paradigmatic example of what not to do in policymaking. In the absence of effective engagement or consultation, a series of decisions under Coalition and Australian Labor Party governments have had a range of negative consequences for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. These changes – centred around the closure of the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme and implementation of the Community Development Programme (CDP) – have resulted in increased unemployment, inadequate support for job creation, a dramatic over‐application of income penalties to social security recipients and reduced capacity in many community organisations. This article argues that these outcomes constitute policy failure, especially given that genuine engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people could have prevented many of these consequences. It then turns to an exploration of three ways in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are responding to such policy failure: through promotion of new narratives, new alliances, and new institutions. The study concludes that while we should avoid “specious hope”, there is room for optimism in a renewed push for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignty.  相似文献   
6.
基于2003—2015年我国26个省、自治区的面板数据,重点考察了四万亿投资刺激计划背景下,各地区的财政货币政策对粮食价格波动的冲击效应及其差异。研究发现:中国粮食价格上涨除了受到生产成本因素驱动以外,还主要受到宽松的货币政策所引致的地方流动性过剩的影响,地方财政货币政策对粮食价格波动的冲击效应在四万亿投资实施前后存在明显的差异;四万亿刺激计划实施后,各地区积极的财政政策和宽松的货币政策才是新一轮粮食价格波动的主因,粮食类农产品因为自身的敏感和脆弱性,受到了财政货币政策引致的流动性泛滥所带来的最直接伤害;应注重财政货币政策的多重目标分解、梳理及协调配合,处理好“稳增长、控物价、调结构、惠民生、防风险”之间复杂多变的关系,寻求一个有效的“平衡点”。  相似文献   
7.
8.
在脱贫攻坚中,对重点贫困地区的精确瞄准与偏向投入,在一定程度上对非贫困县、非贫困村与非贫困户产生了必然的政策负外部性,表现为县域脱贫结构失衡、村庄帮扶悬崖效应与边缘人群争贫风险。究其原由,在公共政策过程中,竞争性的政策汲取、排他性的政策分配与分割性的政策评价是负外部性的三种发生机理。为此需要建立上下融合减贫机制,探索社区主导发展模式,拓展村民赋权参与空间,通过政策纠正、调适以消解和弥补政策负效应,强化政治决策与分配的正义性。  相似文献   
9.
This paper reports on a UK study which examined the identification of, and support for young people with learning disabilities who experience, or are at risk of, child sexual exploitation (CSE). CSE has received considerable attention in the UK, with evidence suggesting an increased risk for young people with learning disabilities. However, no study has specifically focused on this group, and their voices remain largely unheard. In‐depth interviews with 27 young people with learning disabilities were undertaken to explore how to meet their needs. This paper presents the young people's voices and identifies areas for improvements in policy and practice.  相似文献   
10.
Since the early 1990s, there has been investment in women's entrepreneurship policy (WEP) in Sweden, which continued until 2015. During the same period, Sweden assumed neoliberal policies that profoundly changed the position of women within the world of work and business. The goals for WEP changed as a result, from entrepreneurship as a way to create a more equal society, to the goal of unleashing women's entrepreneurial potential so they can contribute to economic growth. To better understand this shift we approach WEP as a neoliberal governmentality which offers women ‘entrepreneurial’ or ‘postfeminist’ subject positions. The analysis is inspired by political theorist Nancy Fraser who theorized the change as the displacement of socioeconomic redistribution in favour of cultural recognition, or identity politics. We use Fraser's concepts in a discourse analysis of Swedish WEP over two decades, identifying two distinct discourses and three discursive displacements. Whilst WEP initially gave precedence to a radical feminist discourse that called for women's collective action, this was replaced by a postfeminist neoliberal discourse that encouraged individual women to assume an entrepreneurial persona, start their own business, compete in the marketplace and contribute to economic growth. The result was the continued subordination of women business owners, but it also obscured or rendered structural problems/solutions, and collective feminist action, irrelevant.  相似文献   
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