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1.
党的人民观是中国共产党在百年奋斗历史进程中对人民群众的立场、地位、作用、评价标准的总体看法和具体态度.作为系统的理论体系,它的形成和发展是理论演进的内在需要和实践活动的深刻变动彼此印证和相互推动的必然结果.因此,要将其置放在不同的历史坐标上来把握中国共产党人民观的话语逻辑和演化规律;要在理论的不断生成和构建过程中彰显其鲜明品格和独特魅力;要在中国共产党百年奋斗征程中获得历史启迪和经验启示. 相似文献
2.
对于舜之“怨慕”,朱熹作出了不同于孟子的解读。这是基于心学、理学内在逻辑的不同。孟子作为私学之儒,和孔子一样,是主张士君子的阳刚人格的,并且从性向善的人性论出发,协调义与利、公与私的关系,而以君臣父子关系都属对待关系;依此,将舜之“怨慕”解读为舜对父母的既怨又慕。朱熹则作为官学之儒,以所谓“气质之性”协调理学先驱荀子的性向恶论,以二歧化思维把天地之性、天理绝对化,以公去私,视君臣父子关系则为下对上的绝对服从关系;依此解读,舜之“怨”只能是自怨。 相似文献
3.
"中华民族多元一体"是中国共产党政治话语体系中的一个重要概念。经过新民主主义革命时期的萌芽和20世纪90年代的孕育,中国共产党在2005年的中央民族工作会议上正式提出"中华民族多元一体"话语。随着中国共产党中华民族观念和理论的变迁,"中华民族多元一体"话语的内涵也日趋丰富和完善,2014年中央民族工作会议后成熟定型。不同时期,中国共产党通过大众传媒将"中华民族多元一体"的政治话语转化成大众喜闻乐见的生活话语,从而塑造大众的中华民族观念,有利于维系民族团结和国家统一。中国共产党"中华民族多元一体"话语的构建遵循话语生产以问题为导向的实践逻辑、话语传播从学术到政治再到大众的延展逻辑、话语内涵从单一到复合的发展逻辑。 相似文献
4.
习近平“不忘初心、牢记使命”重要论述的生成具有多重逻辑。马克思主义关于无产阶级政党的理论、中国共产党以人民为中心的思想内核是其理论渊源;中国传统民本思想的精髓、以红船精神为源头的革命精神是其文化根基;人民对美好生活的向往、新时代中国特色社会主义任务的严峻性、解决“三个如何”之问的迫切性是其现实要求。 相似文献
5.
论环境影响评价与排污许可制度的互动和衔接——从制度逻辑和构造建议的角度 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
如何将环境影响评价与排污许可等环境治理工具进行互动与衔接是未来环境治理制度改革的关键。两种制度在现时的环境下都存在各自的问题及相应的变革路径。两种不同的变革路径却有着共同的价值需求,即环境影响评价与排污许可的衔接与互动。在衔接的过程中存在的最大的争议就是维持或简化环境影响评价审批,这种衔接思路的差异制造了两种截然相反的制度逻辑:一种以维持环评审批为核心,另一种以简化环评审批为核心。就中国目前的环境影响评价制度改革方向而言,简化环评审批似乎已是不可阻挡之潮流。是否应当以简化环评审批、强调排污许可为目标进行两种制度的衔接。简化环评审批并不等同于弱化环评制度;在环境影响评价与排污许可的衔接构造上,应当遵循的思路:在宏观上,以效益最大化统领全局;在具体操作上,秉持“在简化环境影响评价的大环境中,寻找强化的契机;以排污许可为核心的进程中,夯实衔接的构造”的理念。 相似文献
6.
Jacob Mukherjee 《The British journal of sociology》2020,71(4):644-657
This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity. 相似文献
7.
Twitter,incivility, and presidential communication: A theoretical incursion into spectacle and power
ABSTRACT By approaching civility as an operational logic for democracy, we ask how incivility is a strategy related to power and domination, particularly from the president of the United States. We propose that Twitter is part of an infrastructure of incivility, through which structures and discursive mechanisms contribute to a devaluation of normative democratic discourses. Spectacle provides a theoretical framework to contextualize the forces at play in mediating our relations. Using President Trump’s Twitter use as a case study, we offer four propositions that together formulate a framework for theorizing the strategic use and deployment of incivility as an increasingly legitimate, yet problematic tool for democratic governance. 相似文献
8.
Crispin Thurlow 《Journal of Sociolinguistics》2020,24(3):350-368
Conceptual linearity and analytic parochialism (aka focus) can make it more difficult for sociolinguists or discourse analysts to apprehend the far‐reaching, exploitative ways inequality is nowadays produced. A suitably material‐cum‐materialist class critique certainly entails empirical and phenomenological worlds flagged by, for example, multi‐sited ethnographies but otherwise side‐lined as merely “extra‐situational” in much talk/text‐directed scholarship. I propose we think more geographically by properly engaging spatiality à la Harvey (1990) and especially the radical politics of simultaneity (Massey, 2005)—the literal, “right‐now” connectedness of places and people. To this end, and allied with deepening interest in political economy, I combine the principles of articulation theory with the procedures of commodity chain analysis for picking apart an epitomic, contemporary manifestation of extreme privilege: the business‐class meal. The proposed discourse‐centred commodity chain analysis offers an ecumenical but systematic framework for tracking how commodity fetishism is actually and discursively accomplished (or not) across dispersed voices, stories, and social meanings. 相似文献
9.
Stephanie Schnurr Olga Zayts Andreas Schroeder Catherine Le Coyte‐Hopkins 《Gender, Work and Organization》2020,27(3):414-434
This article illustrates some of the ways in which the notion of (paid) work is actively being gendered, and how these gendering processes take place not only through organizational practices but also in discourses that circulate outside an organization in the private domain. Drawing on 15 in‐depth interviews with women who opted out of their own professional career in order to accompany their husbands on their overseas work assignment to Hong Kong, we demonstrate some of the benefits of using a discourse analytical approach to capturing and identifying the processes through which these women actively (although not necessarily consciously) gender the notion of work, thereby reinforcing the gender order and its male bias. We argue that identifying and making visible these gendered and gendering practices is an important component of, and a potential trigger for, change both in organizations as well as private contexts. 相似文献
10.
Sampo Varjonen 《International Journal of Social Welfare》2020,29(1):62-70
Historical institutionalist studies have explained institutional change as resulting from critical junctures that interrupt long periods of stability or from endogenous, incremental evolution. Building on these theories, discursive institutionalists have focused on the roles of agency, ideas and discourse as explainers of change. Combining these approaches, this article analyses Finland’s decision in 2014 to transfer the administration of basic social assistance from municipalities to the central government. This study demonstrates that institutional change can be both abrupt and evolutionary. Due to sudden, exceptional political circumstances, the decision in question was made quickly and under pressure, circumventing possible veto players. However, it was possible only because of the incremental, endogenous change that had occurred in the way in which social assistance was administered at the municipal level. It enabled a change in political discourse, which eroded the credibility of the ideational frames that policy actors had previously utilised to reject the centralised model. 相似文献