治理的发轫与嬗变：中国历史视野下的考察

国内学术界一般以西方学术发展史作为背景，把治理作为一种社会互动来进行研究。中国历史视野下的治理，发轫于中国社会生活，其内涵最初主要是为了获取生存资料，即有收成才能够形成秩序也就是治理。从“乂”这个象形文字来看，乂就是治理，其原意为“收割”。不过，围绕生存资料的生产和分配逐渐产生了更加丰富的社会权力关系，而巩固和拓展这种权力关系则使得构筑更加严格的秩序成为必然。神秘感是构筑秩序的重要依据，而赋予仪式以神秘感的则是觋、巫等知识群体，他们将天、帝、王、人通过仪式联系在一起，建构起一套以礼为基础的秩序。但是，西周末年，觋、巫的神秘感被世俗的君权摧毁以后，“君臣秩序”以及由此构筑起来的社会秩序都被颠覆，从而导致“君臣之礼既坏”和“礼坏乐崩”的情形。“以智力相雄长”不仅表现在王室内部、诸侯之间、社会层面上，而且也表现在知识分子身上。从此以后，士绝大多数以追逐爵禄而骄天下为荣，以至于两千多年来一直存在“士贱而君肆”的情形。“君士互动”的治理模式，正是随着神秘主义的礼的崩溃而崩溃的。     

On the power of goodness-of-fit tests for the exponential distribution under progressive Type-II censoring

The aim of this article is to review existing goodness-of-fit tests for the exponential distribution under progressive Type-II censoring and to provide some new ideas and adjustments. In particular, we consider two-parameter exponentially distributed random variables and adapt the proposed test procedures to our scenario if necessary. Then, we compare their power by an extensive simulation study. Furthermore, we propose five new test procedures that provide reasonable alternatives to those already known.     

Some count-based nonparametric tests for circular symmetry of a bivariate distribution

In this paper, we revisit the problem of testing of the hypothesis of circular symmetry of a bivariate distribution. We propose some nonparametric tests based on sector counts. These include tests based on chi-square goodness-of-fit test, the classical likelihood ratio, mean deviation, and the range. The proposed tests are easy to implement and the exact null distributions for small sample sizes of the test statistics are obtained. Two examples with small and large data sets are given to illustrate the application of the tests proposed. For small and moderate sample sizes, the performances of the proposed tests are evaluated using empirical powers (empirical sizes are also reported). Also, we evaluate the performance of these count-based tests with adaptations of several well-known tests such as the Kolmogorov–Smirnov-type tests, tests based on kernel density estimator, and the Wilcoxon-type tests. It is observed that among the count-based tests the likelihood ratio test performs better.     

我国核电技术创新中的政企协调度实证分析

为探究我国核电技术创新中政府和企业的协调情况,文章基于协同学理论和复杂系统理论,从核电技术创新的特点出发,将核电技术创新系统解构为政府子系统和企业子系统,采用2007年—2017年相关数据,运用协调度测度模型对政府子系统有序度、企业子系统有序度和政企协调度进行测度和分析。研究结果显示:我国核电技术创新中政企协调度随时间呈现“N”型变化趋势,且协调度均值较低；政府子系统有序度和企业子系统有序度表现为“双螺旋”协调演进；制约政府子系统有序度和企业子系统有序度提升的关键因素分别为税收优惠力度和企业R&D强度。     

中国共产党“中华民族多元一体”话语的构建历程及其逻辑--以《人民日报》文本为中心的考察

"中华民族多元一体"是中国共产党政治话语体系中的一个重要概念。经过新民主主义革命时期的萌芽和20世纪90年代的孕育,中国共产党在2005年的中央民族工作会议上正式提出"中华民族多元一体"话语。随着中国共产党中华民族观念和理论的变迁,"中华民族多元一体"话语的内涵也日趋丰富和完善,2014年中央民族工作会议后成熟定型。不同时期,中国共产党通过大众传媒将"中华民族多元一体"的政治话语转化成大众喜闻乐见的生活话语,从而塑造大众的中华民族观念,有利于维系民族团结和国家统一。中国共产党"中华民族多元一体"话语的构建遵循话语生产以问题为导向的实践逻辑、话语传播从学术到政治再到大众的延展逻辑、话语内涵从单一到复合的发展逻辑。     

“Who generates this city”? Socialist strategy in contemporary London

This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.     

Twitter,incivility, and presidential communication: A theoretical incursion into spectacle and power

ABSTRACT

By approaching civility as an operational logic for democracy, we ask how incivility is a strategy related to power and domination, particularly from the president of the United States. We propose that Twitter is part of an infrastructure of incivility, through which structures and discursive mechanisms contribute to a devaluation of normative democratic discourses. Spectacle provides a theoretical framework to contextualize the forces at play in mediating our relations. Using President Trump’s Twitter use as a case study, we offer four propositions that together formulate a framework for theorizing the strategic use and deployment of incivility as an increasingly legitimate, yet problematic tool for democratic governance.     

Expanding our sociolinguistic horizons? Geographical thinking and the articulatory potential of commodity chain analysis

Conceptual linearity and analytic parochialism (aka focus) can make it more difficult for sociolinguists or discourse analysts to apprehend the far‐reaching, exploitative ways inequality is nowadays produced. A suitably material‐cum‐materialist class critique certainly entails empirical and phenomenological worlds flagged by, for example, multi‐sited ethnographies but otherwise side‐lined as merely “extra‐situational” in much talk/text‐directed scholarship. I propose we think more geographically by properly engaging spatiality à la Harvey (1990) and especially the radical politics of simultaneity (Massey, 2005)—the literal, “right‐now” connectedness of places and people. To this end, and allied with deepening interest in political economy, I combine the principles of articulation theory with the procedures of commodity chain analysis for picking apart an epitomic, contemporary manifestation of extreme privilege: the business‐class meal. The proposed discourse‐centred commodity chain analysis offers an ecumenical but systematic framework for tracking how commodity fetishism is actually and discursively accomplished (or not) across dispersed voices, stories, and social meanings.