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1.
The spectre of environmental ‘domestic extremism’ has long been postulated by police leaders and security analysts in Britain. It is a narrative that has justified the commitment of enormous amounts of government resources towards police intelligence work directed at non-violent direct action campaigns. Most controversially, this has included the long-term infiltration of environmental (and other) activist groups by undercover police. This article provides a critical analysis of the justifications put forward in support of the covert surveillance of environmental activists in Britain. The paper proceeds by way of a single case study – a high profile, environmental direct action protest in the north of England – in order to reveal the levels of abuse, manipulation and deception at the basis of undercover protest policing. Through their court case, the activists involved with this action were able to obtain rare insights into the police authorisation documents for the undercover operation that had led to their arrests. An analysis of these documents provides us with a glimpse of the contradictory justifications given by senior police officers for infiltration – now under scrutiny by a public inquiry.  相似文献   
2.
Research on UK government counter‐terrorism measures has claimed that Muslims are treated as a ‘suspect community’. However, there is limited research exploring the divisive effects that membership of a ‘suspect community’ has on relations within Muslim communities. Drawing from interviews with British Muslims living in Leeds or Bradford, I address this gap by explicating how co‐option of Muslim community members to counter extremism fractures relations within Muslim communities. I reveal how community members internalize fears of state targeting which precipitates internal disciplinary measures. I contribute the category of ‘internal suspect body’ which is materialized through two intersecting conditions within preventative counter‐terrorism: the suspected extremist for Muslims to look out for and suspected informer who might report fellow Muslims. I argue that the suspect community operates through a network of relations by which terrors of counter‐terrorism are reproduced within Muslim communities with divisive effects.  相似文献   
3.
在马基雅维里的研究领域存在着一个共识,即马基雅维里是一个现实主义的政治思想家。这可能也是马基雅维里的方法论内核。但是,《君主论》最后一章的叙述、修辞和论证却无不表明,马基雅维里思想中包含着某种“不太现实”的成分。并且,按照休谟等人的看法,马基雅维里的“新方法和新秩序”,并没有触及现实的力量,只是一种对现实的邪恶想象,甚至或许只是一种“邪恶”的“乌托邦”。因此,似乎更应该将马基雅维里的现实主义理解为某种“极端主义”。但更进一步说,极端主义也只是理论层面的设定,在实践上马基雅维里却是要用“极端”的手法,造成一个“正常”的幻觉。  相似文献   
4.
The rise of the Far Right is a global phenomenon traditionally viewed as antithetical to feminism. However, in Australia from 1996–2001 Far Right politics was dominated by a woman, Pauline Hanson, thus calling into question the dynamics between organized feminism and the Far Right. A significant problem for Australian feminists trying to understand Hanson is that her ideology, activities and life-style are internally contradictory. This article draws on American analyses of similar women and examines the contradictions in Hanson's political philosophy and activism with a view to challenging current Australian feminist analysis of this controversial political woman.  相似文献   
5.
美国主流媒体有关财政悬崖危机等孤立议题的辩论,是一种转移公众注意力的干扰性话语政治学,它旨在强化去政治化和威权主义的新模式,割裂人们对个体困境与公共利益考虑之间的联系。在民主共和两党尤其是共和党极端主义对福利国家、公共利益和责任政府的大肆攻击之下,美国已经变成精神上的威权国家,市场极端主义和极端个人主义甚嚣尘上,想象力、能动性和希望被窒息。在此情况下,批判教育学成为正义、社会责任和民主意义的核心,帮助人们争取集体夺回民主斗争的胜利。  相似文献   
6.
中东恐怖主义的发展与宗教和战争两大因素相关。伊斯兰名义下的暴力恐怖活动与反对帝国霸权和侵略战争紧密相连,恐怖主义的行为主体不仅仅是伊斯兰极端主义组织一方,还包括美国和以色列在侵略战争中所实行的国家恐怖主义。这种态势决定了中东恐怖主义现象的复杂性。认清这种复杂性,明确伊斯兰名义下的恐怖主义与伊斯兰复兴、伊斯兰教的联系与区别,避免误解和混淆,将有助于对中东形势及整个国际政治有准确而深刻的认识。  相似文献   
7.
宗教极端主义研究概要   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
宗教极端主义严重影响当今社会发展。本文正本清源 ,探讨了宗教极端主义的定义、本质、危害等问题 ,并对如何消解宗教极端主义提出了建议。  相似文献   
8.
The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, and the Millennium Development Goals, brought the inclusion of women in the security agenda into the international limelight. Although these global frameworks, and other international resolutions, underscore the importance of women’s participation in the politics of peace and security, Nigeria’s frameworks have not been inclusive. Extant literature has examined the role of women within the context of mainstream responsibilities for “counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency” that are held by the military and paramilitary forces. This study interrogates the role of women-led civil society organizations in “countering violent extremism” activities in Nigeria. Using a mixed-methods approach, it demonstrates that the participation of women-led civil society organizations in “countering violent extremism” activities has generated certain positive results for achieving women’s inclusion and gender equality in politics and society.  相似文献   
9.
本文从巴基斯坦国内政治与宗教的互动、国际政治与国内宗教的互动以及政治—宗教动员与宗教政党的互动考察了巴基斯坦宗教、政治与极端主义的关系。巴基斯坦政治与宗教的互动走过了一段从政府培植、利用宗教力量到完全失控的过程;国际政治与巴基斯坦国内宗教的互动推进了走向极端主义的步伐;宗教政党对于政治、法律、学校、军队、外交等方面的渗透,使宗教战斗性加强,宗教极端主义和好战的原教旨主义于是将国家一步一步地推向深渊。巴基斯坦重回温和、改良的宗教传统,任重而道远。  相似文献   
10.
This article explores how young female Muslim university students in London and Birmingham experience life in England. Through focus groups and interviews, talk about three main topics was collected: how young Muslims frame their identities; how they are perceived by others; and how they perceive Muslims to be portrayed and represented in public life. Analysis shows that the participants: presented themselves as ambitious and autonomous; experienced direct and indirect exclusion as young Muslims; perceived a lack of diverse Muslims role models and ambassadors in public life; and that, despite their optimism, felt their futures in Britain were uncertain. The young people recognised the temporary liberties they have around dress and practice as university students that are potentially restricted in wider society. The research highlights the problems created by stigmatising public discourse around Islamist extremism that fuels narrow, deficit-focused policy that exacerbates the exclusion of young Muslims.  相似文献   
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