The sociolinguistics of late modern publics

This issue examines struggles over public discursive power in late modern society, understanding that late modern publics are characterized by a destabilization of formerly unmarked public authorities, in other words, an unsettling of standardized “voices from nowhere” (Gal & Woolard, 2001). The contributions to the issue illustrate traditional social and academic elites’ discursive reactions to such developments. In the introduction, we outline different theoretical frameworks of modern and late‐modern publics, identify factors that contribute to a destabilization of modern certainties of social public order, and argue that a weakening of traditional public norms not only implies emancipation but also, as the contributions to the issue demonstrate, may bring along new forms of public dominance. For the positioning of contemporary sociolinguistic theory and practice, we conclude that it is the crucial task of the current public moment to critically self‐engage with our own relations with, and ideologies of, the public. Dieses Themenheft befragt Strukturen öffentlicher Diskursmacht in spätmoderner Gesellschaft und zeigt auf, dass spätmoderne Öffentlichkeit durch eine Destabilisierung von vormals unmarkierten Autoritäten ist, in anderen Worten, von standardisierten “voices from nowhere” (Gal & Woolard, 2001). Die Beiträge illustrieren Reaktionen traditioneller sozialer und akademischer Eliten hierauf. In dieser Einleitung skizzieren wir verschiedene theoretische Zugänge zu moderner und spätmoderner Öffentlichkeit, identifizieren Faktoren, die zu einer Destabilisierung von sozialen Gewissheiten der Moderne beitragen und legen dar, dass eine Schwächung traditioneller öffentlichen Normen nicht nur soziale Emanzipation impliziert sondern, wie die Beiträge zu diesem Heft zeigen, auch neue Formen öffentlicher Dominanz hervorbringt. In Bezug auf zeitgenössische soziolinguistische Theorie und Praxis schlussfolgern wir daraus, dass es im aktuellen öffentlichen Kontext eine zentrale Aufgabe der Soziolinguistik ist, sich kritisch mit den eigenen Beziehungen zu und Ideologien von Öffentlichkeit befassen. Das Themenheft soll zu dieser Auseinandersetzung beitragen.     

基于犹豫直觉模糊语言集均值-标准差偏好距离的多属性决策研究

在犹豫直觉模糊语言集和语言尺度函数的基础上定义了均值-标准差偏好的Hamming距离，并提出了基于犹豫直觉模糊语言集距离TOPSIS和TODIM的多属性决策方法，进一步利用这两种方法对实例问题建筑商的招标方案进行排序，并讨论了偏好参数对排序结果的灵敏度分析。为验证上述方法的有效性，与已有方法对同一实例的排序结果进行了比较分析。     

基于Mo-RVIKOR的混合多属性决策方法

针对复杂性和不确定性多属性决策问题，考虑定量和定性融合的属性形式，提出了模块化随机多准则妥协解排序法（Modular Random VlseKriterijumska Opti-mizacija I Kompromisno Resenje，Mo-RVIKOR），该方法无需将信息统一，就能处理多种信息形式存在的多属性决策问题。采用精确数、随机变量处理定量评价信息，用概率语义术语集处理定性评价信息；通过改进离差最大化法确定属性权重；根据Mo-RVIKOR对决策对象进行排序；最后以某公司C2B定制化服务质量评测项目为例，验证了所提方法的有效性。     

基于交叉效率DEA与群体共识的区间乘性语言偏好关系群决策

针对区间乘性语言偏好关系群决策问题，提出了一种基于交叉效率DEA和群体共识的群决策方法。首先，提出乘性语言偏好关系导出函数的定义，并构建产出导向的DEA模型，证明了一致性乘性语言偏好关系的DEA效率得分与排序向量之间存在比例关系。在此基础上，建立基于理想值的交叉效率DEA模型，提出乘性语言偏好关系的通用排序方法。同时，基于群体共识建立目标规划模型来计算各语言偏好关系的权重系数。最后，利用Monte Carlo随机模拟的方法对群体语言偏好空间进行统计分析，得到群决策期望排序向量及其可信度。算例分析表明本文方法能够有效的避免信息损失，具有较强的适用性和较高的可信度。     

Extended pairwise local alignment of wild card DNA/RNA sequences using dynamic programming

Optimal string alignment is used to discover evolutionary relationships or mutations in DNA/RNA or protein sequences. Errors, missing parts or uncertainty in such a sequence can be covered with wild cards, so-called wild bases. This makes an alignment possible even when the data are corrupted or incomplete. The extended pairwise local alignment of wild card DNA/RNA sequences requires additional calculations in the dynamic programming algorithm and necessitates a subsequent best- and worst-case analysis for the wild card positions. In this paper, we propose an algorithm which solves the problem of input data wild cards, offers a highly flexible set of parameters and displays a detailed alignment output and a compact representation of the mutated positions of the alignment. An implementation of the algorithm can be obtained at https://github.com/sysbio-bioinf/swat+ and http://sysbio.uni-ulm.de/?Software:Swat+.     

Loner or team player: How firms allocate orchestrator tasks amongst ecosystem actors

Ecosystems have become a major trend in research and practice alike. Within an ecosystem, the so-called orchestrator is considered to be one of the most important roles. However, extant research falls short of explaining how and why this orchestrator role and the resulting tasks of orchestration are allocated to specific ecosystem members. Based on a case study with eight cases, this paper aims to shed light on this crucial question. Our results revealed three basic patterns of ecosystem orchestration: single-, double-, and multi-orchestration ecosystems. These were determined by two key contingencies: production related knowledge and consumption related knowledge. This discovery yields several contributions to research and managerial practice. We show whether, and under which circumstances, orchestrators might include other ecosystem participants in the key tasks of orchestration. We demonstrate how orchestrators allocate these tasks to specific participants in the ecosystem. Furthermore, our results shed light on how orchestrators manage their ecosystem partners and secure their position within the ecosystem. And finally, we introduce a new view on the role of the orchestrator.     

地理空间视域下斯达尔夫人与刘师培南北文学论比较研究

尽管斯达尔夫人和刘师培分处东西方历史发展的不同时期,但是斯达尔夫人的欧洲南北文学论与刘师培的中国古代南北文学不同论具有重要的比较诗学研究价值。斯达尔夫人的欧洲南北文学论和刘师培的中国古代南北文学不同论基于各自不同的理论背景和历史背景都引入了地理空间视域,其比较诗学研究的理论内涵主要包括三个方面：一是地理空间视域引入的不同理论背景、历史背景、理论内涵;二是地理空间视域下语言维度研究进路的异同;三是吊诡的倒转性：北方浪漫主义、南方古典主义与北方古典现实主义精神、南方浪漫主义精神。     

英语霸权时代民族语言多样性的保护

由于21世纪经济、技术全球化的推进,英语在全球范围传播和普及。英语的传播与霸权与和全球范围语言濒危现象有密切的关系,是世界语言濒危问题的根本原因。英语的全球化给世界语言多样性的生态样式带来了极大的破坏。因此,应及时采取措施对策,反对英语的霸权,保护世界语言多样性。     

Linguistic instrumentalism and national language policy in Mainland China’s state print media coverage of the Protecting Cantonese Movement

This article examines the Chinese government’s use of the print media to justify the national language policy and address individuals’ concerns about the vitality of regional varieties of the Chinese language (i.e., Cantonese) in its coverage of the Protecting Cantonese Movement (July 2010) in Guangzhou. The analysis revealed that the Chinese government adopted a relatively reconciliatory response to the Movement, which apparently contested the relevant language policy. However, the media texts maintained the national policy of promoting Putonghua as inviolable, whereas they assigned Cantonese the role of the carrier of cultural tradition and stressed that the rise or fall of particular regional language depended on regional socioeconomic developments. Such media discussions showed that the state carefully managed relevant discussions about the vitality of regional Chinese varieties within the discursive space defined by legalistic, cultural, and socioeconomic development discourses. These discursive boundaries reflect the dominance of linguistic instrumentalism in the Chinese government’s language policymaking.     

Tracing Protest Motives: The Link Between Newspaper Coverage,Movement Messages,and Demonstrators’ Reasons to Protest

Within the social movement literature, it is mostly assumed that the reasons why people join a protest demonstration are in line with the collective action frames of the organizations staging the protest. Some recent studies suggest, however, that protesters’ motives are only partly aligned with the messages that are broadcasted by social movements. This study argues that activists’ motives are for an important part shaped by mass media coverage on the protest issue. It investigates the link between people's reasons to protest, the campaign messages of the protest organizers, and newspaper coverage prior to the demonstration. Data cover 14 anti‐austerity demonstrations in Belgium, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Results show that social movements depend a lot on other political actors to gain media visibility for their messages. Furthermore, the relationship between social movement frames and protest participant motives is mediated by newspaper coverage. Protest organizers’ are able to reach demonstrators via their own communication channels to some extent, but for many of their messages, they also rely on journalists’ reporting about the protest issue.