首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   10312篇
  免费   451篇
  国内免费   87篇
管理学   102篇
劳动科学   3篇
民族学   124篇
人才学   4篇
人口学   43篇
丛书文集   1626篇
理论方法论   473篇
综合类   7724篇
社会学   739篇
统计学   12篇
  2024年   5篇
  2023年   74篇
  2022年   98篇
  2021年   107篇
  2020年   157篇
  2019年   127篇
  2018年   160篇
  2017年   192篇
  2016年   207篇
  2015年   253篇
  2014年   588篇
  2013年   656篇
  2012年   719篇
  2011年   818篇
  2010年   637篇
  2009年   652篇
  2008年   597篇
  2007年   763篇
  2006年   756篇
  2005年   697篇
  2004年   673篇
  2003年   639篇
  2002年   534篇
  2001年   428篇
  2000年   194篇
  1999年   38篇
  1998年   17篇
  1997年   15篇
  1996年   8篇
  1995年   12篇
  1994年   8篇
  1993年   9篇
  1992年   6篇
  1991年   3篇
  1990年   2篇
  1989年   1篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
在霍桑生活的时代,欧洲的女性教育与女性义务规约均基于女性未来的母亲身份,美国社会同样强调母亲在家庭和社会中的关键作用。通过回溯《红字》主要情节的历史背景发现,霍桑一方面继承了传统的母性观,另一方面突出了白兰的“问题化”母性,并以此为依托,通过强调两代人之间的巨大差异,试图挑战美国与英国的文化政治血缘联系,建立移民者后代与美洲大陆的新地缘关联,从而帮助构建美国人的独立民族身份。  相似文献   
2.
政治态度的代际传承是一个混合了政治态度形成的内因和外因的综合性机制。国外在政治态度的代际传承研究上已经取得不少成果,而国内鲜有研究。笔者以265对亲子样本为研究对象,探索性地分析了政治态度家庭代际传承存在的可能性以及可能的作用机制。对政治态度的分析从一般社会态度、基础政治态度和具体政治或政策议题的态度三个方面展开。研究发现,在一般性社会态度和基础性政治态度上,中国人政治态度的传承较为明显,而在具体的政治或政策议题上,这种传承则因议题不同而有所不同。研究通过结构方程模型检验,发现在亲子态度的传承机制上是通过“父母人格—子女人格—子女态度”的路径产生影响,而非“父母人格—父母态度—子女态度”的路径。在此基础上,文章对今后中国人政治态度代际传承的研究重点做了探讨。  相似文献   
3.
《Long Range Planning》2022,55(1):102069
Based on a longitudinal case study of China's high-speed rail embedded in the emerging economy context, we focus on what role the government plays and how that matters to open innovation (OI) for competitive advantage. By linking the OI literature with the national political institutions literature to motivate our research question, we propose a statist-based OI view to differentiate diverse government roles, investigating how government adopts roles in a combined way to push OI in stages. Our findings suggest that government is an important strategic decision-maker for OI. Specifically, the government plays various roles as commander, protector, cultivator, and intermediator, reflecting state activism derived from national political institutions, to construct institutional-level OI for domestic OI activities, and inbound and outbound OI across national borders. We find government can deliberately and strategically use its diverse roles in a combined way to push OI for competitive advantage through the industrial evolutionary process over time. Our study contributes to the OI literature and integrates the strategic management literature with the study of OI to provide new insights to explain the origins of competitive advantage from the state perspective.  相似文献   
4.
目前对隐喻翻译的讨论普遍聚焦喻体等值转换或意象投射等问题,模糊了隐喻认知与修辞隐喻的差异。在综述隐喻的话语功能基础上,对党和国家领导人的发言和政府工作报告中所使用的隐喻及其对应译文进行较为深入的分析,认为政治话语中的隐喻具有阐释与劝说功能。为了发挥政治话语中隐喻的对外阐释与说服功能,翻译应技巧性地选择相应的翻译策略,根据隐喻的功能采用直译、直译加注、转换喻体、换以明喻以及释译喻义等方法进行隐喻翻译,以便更好地提高对外话语的传播效果。  相似文献   
5.
This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.  相似文献   
6.
儒家非理性教育运用天人合一的思想理念,将人心对外物的自然反映融入到诗、礼、乐教育活动中,从而熏陶人的积极正面的情感,使人的意志和动机朝向符合道德的方向被激发,最终使人在现实生活中能自发自觉地表现出《论语》等儒家经典所要求的道德行为和品质.儒家非理性教育理念将人心、道德与治国三者完美结合,对当代思想政治教育贯彻立德树人理念有重要的启发作用.  相似文献   
7.
Resistance to women’s public voice and visibility via street harassment and workplace sexual harassment have long constrained women’s use of and comfort in physical public spaces; this gender-based resistance now extends into digital arenas. Women face extreme hostility in the form of digital sexism in discussion rooms, comment sections, gaming communities, and on social media platforms. Reflecting on two years of in-depth interviews with women who have been on the receiving end of gender-based digital abuse (n?=?38), conversations with industry professionals working in content moderation and digital safety, the extant literature, and news stories about digital attacks against women, I offer a lens to think through the prominent patterns in digital sexism, showing (1) that aggressors draw upon three overlapping strategies – intimidating, shaming, and discrediting – to limit women’s impact in digital publics, (2) the way femininity and femaleness are used to undermine women’s contributions, and (3) men call attention to women’s physicality as a way to pull gender – and the male advantage that comes with it – to the fore in digital exchanges. Finally, I argue that when digital sexism succeeds in pressing women out of digital spaces, constrains the topics they address publicly, or limits the ways they address them, we must consider the democratic costs of gender-based harassment, in addition to the personal ones.  相似文献   
8.
曾国藩留存的诸多文字言论,蕴涵着丰富的政治伦理思想。探本溯源,曾国藩仕宦生涯中矢志不渝所诚挚信奉、躬身践行、聚力维护的,就是儒家的道统与清廷的政统。围绕着道统与政统这个核心,曾国藩在为官治军实践中极力倡行礼治德政、经世致用和人才兴政的政治伦理主张,试图通过自己的体悟开化,为道统与政统的延续寻求某种定力或门径。  相似文献   
9.
    
产权保护为企业创新效率提供了制度基础.相比已有静态性的分析视角,通过《物权法》改革这条主线,在动态性视角下考察产权保护水平对企业创新行为的影响.研究发现,《物权法》实施后,随着产权保护水平的提高,企业的创新活动显著增强,企业的专利数量和质量均显著增加.《物权法》对企业创新行为的促进作用在低市场化进程地区、无政治关联企业以及非国有企业中更为显著.在"法与金融"的研究框架内,从产权保护水平的动态性视角,为企业创新行为提供了合理的解释.物权法的实施进一步发挥了市场在资源优化配置的基础性作用,规范市场经济的民法体系,同时,保护了债权人的利益,促进了外部融资的增长,优化了资源配置效率.研究结论有助于我们正确认识和理解《物权法》实施的政策效果.同时,对于产权保护水平如何影响企业财务行为决策具有重要的政策启示.  相似文献   
10.
ABSTRACT

In a high-choice media environment, there are fears that individuals will select media and content that reinforce their existing beliefs and lead to segregation based on interest and/or partisanship. This could lead to partisan echo chambers among those who are politically interested and could contribute to a growing gap in knowledge between those who are politically interested and those who are not. However, the high-choice environment also allows individuals, including those who are politically interested, to consume a wide variety of media, which could lead them to more diverse content and perspectives. This study examines the relationship between political interest as well as media diversity and being caught in an echo chamber (measured by five different variables). Using a nationally representative survey of adult internet users in the United Kingdom (N?=?2000), we find that those who are interested in politics and those with diverse media diets tend to avoid echo chambers. This work challenges the impact of echo chambers and tempers fears of partisan segregation since only a small segment of the population are likely to find themselves in an echo chamber. We argue that single media studies and studies which use narrow definitions and measurements of being in an echo chamber are flawed because they do not test the theory in the realistic context of a multiple media environment.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号