Transformer in navigation: Diverse government roles for open innovation in China's high-speed rail

Based on a longitudinal case study of China's high-speed rail embedded in the emerging economy context, we focus on what role the government plays and how that matters to open innovation (OI) for competitive advantage. By linking the OI literature with the national political institutions literature to motivate our research question, we propose a statist-based OI view to differentiate diverse government roles, investigating how government adopts roles in a combined way to push OI in stages. Our findings suggest that government is an important strategic decision-maker for OI. Specifically, the government plays various roles as commander, protector, cultivator, and intermediator, reflecting state activism derived from national political institutions, to construct institutional-level OI for domestic OI activities, and inbound and outbound OI across national borders. We find government can deliberately and strategically use its diverse roles in a combined way to push OI for competitive advantage through the industrial evolutionary process over time. Our study contributes to the OI literature and integrates the strategic management literature with the study of OI to provide new insights to explain the origins of competitive advantage from the state perspective.     

“四史”教育融入高校思政课教学的五维逻辑进路

历史照亮过去，历史启迪未来。以党史、新中国史、改革开放史、社会主义发展史为核心内容的“四史”教育，是以历史为基础的思想政治教育。从党史、新中国史、改革开放史、社会主义发展史中挖掘思想政治理论课教育资源，对高校传承红色基因、落实立德树人根本任务具有重要的指导意义。以庆祝中国共产党成立100周年为契机，将“四史”教育融入高校思想政治理论课教学，必须遵循相应的逻辑理路：树立正确党史观、坚定理想信念的价值追求是融入的逻辑立场；强化大历史观、理解党的伟大贡献是融入的逻辑方法；坚持内在统一性、把握“四史”教育的整体性逻辑是融入的基本前提；抓住侧重点、精准对接各门大学生思想政治理论课程是融入的逻辑核心；坚持实践逻辑、引导大学生从“四史”中汲取智慧和力量是融入的根本遵循。     

Toward a gender politics of aging

The article proposes a Gender Politics of Aging approach to the study of aging societies. The approach recognizes the feminization of old age, ageism’s roots in sexist discourse, and the need to recognize the role of politics in driving demographic debates. Drawing together arguments from feminist gerontology and political demography, the article argues that the intersection of politics and gender must be considered if appropriate responses to an older, feminized demography are to be produced. I conclude that the work of aging feminists provides a rich vein of research and praxis from which a gender politics of aging approach can draw.     

新时期大学生思想政治教育的现状与对策

大学生的思想政治教育在时代背景、社会环境和大学生自身素质等方面都呈现出了与以往不同的特点。大学生思想政治教育亟需深刻的改革和创新。通过分析当前大学生思想政治教育的现状以及存在的问题，提出相应的对策进行研究。     

网络思想政治教育研究的“空间范式”

思想政治教育学科在理论研究中已经形成了多种范式。从现实社会空间向虚拟网络空间的“空间转向”，为思想政治教育新范式的形成提供了崭新的空间条件。网络思想政治教育的快速发展也为其“空间范式”的提出进行了必要的知识积累。“空间范式”凸显马克思主义公共性理论和社会空间理论的理论特性，旨在透过“空间”的维度，发展网络思想政治教育的理论和方法体系。“空间范式”的提出对于进一步凸显网络思想政治教育研究的学术旨趣，凝聚学科共识，培育知识信念，整合学术资源，建构更加专业的话语体系，形成一个影响广泛的网络思想政治教育学术共同体具有重要意义。     

卢卡奇现代性批判理论的双重路径及其理论意蕴

卢卡奇在《历史与阶级意识》中吸收了马克思商品拜物教的科学内涵，沿着以物化理论为核心的现代性批判和以资产阶级形而上学为对象的现代性批判两条路径，展开了对现代资本主义社会的批判。这种现代性批判路径既表明卢卡奇在一定程度上站在了马克思现代性批判的原则高度上，对现代资本主义社会进行了深刻批判，又可以看到卢卡奇深谙资本主义的社会现实，开启了西方马克思主义现代性批判的崭新路径。然而，卢卡奇的现代性批判理论又戴着“黑格尔眼镜”，使其从事的现代性批判无法摆脱形而上学的理论困境，依然没有达到马克思的原则性高度。     

Welfare service privatization and opinions about service quality: The role of political ideology among local politicians and the public

In this article, we join the discussion about the potential consequences of welfare service privatization by examining the relationship between the privatization of welfare service delivery and public opinion about service quality in Sweden. Due to the politically polarized debate about welfare service privatization in Sweden, we also examine the extent to which individualsapos; ideological orientations influence this relationship in both local politicians and ordinary citizens. For local politicians, the results show that a higher municipal degree of privatization is generally associated with slightly lower levels of satisfaction overall with welfare services, although no such relationship exists for the public. Most importantly, however, the results indicate that political ideology constitutes an important moderator in the relationship between privatization and opinions about service quality. Local politicians and, to some extent, ordinary citizens who place themselves to the left on the ideological left–right scale tend to be less satisfied with services as the municipal degree of welfare service privatization increases. For local politicians who position themselves far to the right on the scale, the relationship between welfare service privatization and satisfaction is positive. These findings suggest that there is no clear-cut relationship between privatization and individualsapos; opinions about services; rather, this relationship depends on the ideological predispositions of local politicians and ordinary citizens.     

中国共产党“中华民族多元一体”话语的构建历程及其逻辑--以《人民日报》文本为中心的考察

"中华民族多元一体"是中国共产党政治话语体系中的一个重要概念。经过新民主主义革命时期的萌芽和20世纪90年代的孕育,中国共产党在2005年的中央民族工作会议上正式提出"中华民族多元一体"话语。随着中国共产党中华民族观念和理论的变迁,"中华民族多元一体"话语的内涵也日趋丰富和完善,2014年中央民族工作会议后成熟定型。不同时期,中国共产党通过大众传媒将"中华民族多元一体"的政治话语转化成大众喜闻乐见的生活话语,从而塑造大众的中华民族观念,有利于维系民族团结和国家统一。中国共产党"中华民族多元一体"话语的构建遵循话语生产以问题为导向的实践逻辑、话语传播从学术到政治再到大众的延展逻辑、话语内涵从单一到复合的发展逻辑。     

政治关联如何影响社会组织有效性？——组织自主性的中介作用和制度支持的调节作用

社会组织领域的政治关联现象日益显著，但政治关联究竟如何影响社会组织有效性，其隐藏的作用机制又是什么？这是学术界尚未明晰的重要课题。针对254家社会组织的问卷调查发现，社会组织政治关联会正向影响组织有效性，这一关系受到组织自主性的中介作用影响。更进一步的研究显示，制度支持能调节上述中介关系。具体而言，当制度支持水平较高时，这一效应将会增强；当制度支持水平较低时，政治关联通过组织自主性间接影响组织有效性的效应就会减弱。这一发现，一方面增进了我们对社会组织政治关联的理解，另一方面也为提升社会组织有效性的理论和实践提供了重要启示。     

“Who generates this city”? Socialist strategy in contemporary London

This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.