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1.
当前乡村治理中乡规民约面临德治退化、自治弱化及法治虚化等现实困境。新乡贤作为乡村社会精英群体,在增强乡规民约的现代性、厚植乡规民约的乡土性及强化乡规民约的权威性等方面具有显著的时代价值,是重塑乡规民约的有益主体选择。实现新乡贤在重塑乡规民约中的时代价值,需要强化乡贤文化的敦风化俗功能、构建乡贤群体的风险防范机制及发挥乡贤组织的协商共治作用。  相似文献   
2.
根据支撑基础、责任负担、保障水平以及民众需求等维度,可以把民生保障划分为托底型、基本型、改善型以及富裕型等四种类型。改善型民生是经济社会发展到一定阶段的产物,也是国家治理体系与治理能力现代化的客观要求。它是指通过各类民生项目的安排及民生待遇优化以促进民众生活得到持续改善、社会发展水平得到提升的一种制度类型,是民生项目更加齐全、内容更为完善、治理水平更高、使民众各按其分的民生模式,是人们的日常生活与服务消费支出总额持续增长以便能够提升生活水平的民生类型,是那种不断满足人的需要特别是较高层次需要的模式类型,也是更有助于形成社会结构稳定、国家长治久安的民生制度类型,因而具有综合性、完善性、激励性以及发展性等特点。这要求我们优化民生类型设计及民生投入结构,补齐改善型民生短板,营造良好社会秩序,扎实推进国家治理体系及治理能力现代化建设。  相似文献   
3.
《Long Range Planning》2022,55(1):102069
Based on a longitudinal case study of China's high-speed rail embedded in the emerging economy context, we focus on what role the government plays and how that matters to open innovation (OI) for competitive advantage. By linking the OI literature with the national political institutions literature to motivate our research question, we propose a statist-based OI view to differentiate diverse government roles, investigating how government adopts roles in a combined way to push OI in stages. Our findings suggest that government is an important strategic decision-maker for OI. Specifically, the government plays various roles as commander, protector, cultivator, and intermediator, reflecting state activism derived from national political institutions, to construct institutional-level OI for domestic OI activities, and inbound and outbound OI across national borders. We find government can deliberately and strategically use its diverse roles in a combined way to push OI for competitive advantage through the industrial evolutionary process over time. Our study contributes to the OI literature and integrates the strategic management literature with the study of OI to provide new insights to explain the origins of competitive advantage from the state perspective.  相似文献   
4.
扶贫开发是国家治理的重要内容,有着丰富的政治意涵,展示着执政党执政、政府治理的基本过程和价值归属。中国的扶贫工作带有着明显的运动式、项目制、压力型的色彩,在取得巨大成效的同时,也有着走向无序化、无效化的风险。以现代国家建设和政党建设的基本理念,构筑多中心的贫困治理格局,建立现代化的扶贫开发的制度体系,走向法治化、制度化、民主化、规范化是扶贫开发的治本之策。  相似文献   
5.
中、印传统体育文化蕴含了东方文明对于处世之道和养身模式的价值追求,作为东方体育文化典型代表的太极拳与瑜伽术,既是修炼身心、运动健身的重要项目,也是人们了解东方体育文化的重要媒介。跨文化比较分析表明,太极拳和瑜伽术在注重身形技法与艺术审美的结合、吐纳导引与意念游动的耦合、修身养性与天人意境的融合等方面具有共性,也有差异,体现出中、印在传统体育文化方面的异同。太极拳和瑜伽术的传承应该做到与时俱进、创新发展,其目标既不是传统竞技搏击术,也不是简单修炼养身术,而是融道德修养与身心修炼为一体的综合性运动项目。  相似文献   
6.
目前对隐喻翻译的讨论普遍聚焦喻体等值转换或意象投射等问题,模糊了隐喻认知与修辞隐喻的差异。在综述隐喻的话语功能基础上,对党和国家领导人的发言和政府工作报告中所使用的隐喻及其对应译文进行较为深入的分析,认为政治话语中的隐喻具有阐释与劝说功能。为了发挥政治话语中隐喻的对外阐释与说服功能,翻译应技巧性地选择相应的翻译策略,根据隐喻的功能采用直译、直译加注、转换喻体、换以明喻以及释译喻义等方法进行隐喻翻译,以便更好地提高对外话语的传播效果。  相似文献   
7.
This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.  相似文献   
8.
This study focuses on the Government of Bangladesh and the UK Department for International Development (DFID) public sector capacity‐building project under collaborative public governance. It examines the efficiency and effectiveness of a foreign‐funded and multistakeholder‐led public sector capacity‐development initiative dubbed Managing at the Top Stage 2 (MATT2) project, and how it contributed to the human resource capacity development in Bangladesh. A combination of data from Government sources, in‐depth interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation and author analysis was adopted. The results showed the project to have been largely successful, despite some challenges.  相似文献   
9.
Family involvement in corporate governance through ownership, management, and board membership presents a unique dilemma for understanding the strategic impetus and costs of entrenchment decisions. The presence of shared family ties and the family-centered goals of firm principals call to question the applicability of extant agency arguments regarding the nature and antecedents of managerial entrenchment. Exploring this, we develop and test a model of family firm-specific determinants (i.e., family ownership and family's involvement in management and governance) of entrenchment in publicly traded firms by drawing upon principal-principal agency theory. Findings of the empirical analysis of family owned S&P 500 firms suggest family firms are motivated to entrench managers when doing so supports the pursuit of family-centric goals. However, the extent to which entrenchment supports such goals varies at different levels of family ownership.  相似文献   
10.
Resistance to women’s public voice and visibility via street harassment and workplace sexual harassment have long constrained women’s use of and comfort in physical public spaces; this gender-based resistance now extends into digital arenas. Women face extreme hostility in the form of digital sexism in discussion rooms, comment sections, gaming communities, and on social media platforms. Reflecting on two years of in-depth interviews with women who have been on the receiving end of gender-based digital abuse (n?=?38), conversations with industry professionals working in content moderation and digital safety, the extant literature, and news stories about digital attacks against women, I offer a lens to think through the prominent patterns in digital sexism, showing (1) that aggressors draw upon three overlapping strategies – intimidating, shaming, and discrediting – to limit women’s impact in digital publics, (2) the way femininity and femaleness are used to undermine women’s contributions, and (3) men call attention to women’s physicality as a way to pull gender – and the male advantage that comes with it – to the fore in digital exchanges. Finally, I argue that when digital sexism succeeds in pressing women out of digital spaces, constrains the topics they address publicly, or limits the ways they address them, we must consider the democratic costs of gender-based harassment, in addition to the personal ones.  相似文献   
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