治理的发轫与嬗变：中国历史视野下的考察

国内学术界一般以西方学术发展史作为背景，把治理作为一种社会互动来进行研究。中国历史视野下的治理，发轫于中国社会生活，其内涵最初主要是为了获取生存资料，即有收成才能够形成秩序也就是治理。从“乂”这个象形文字来看，乂就是治理，其原意为“收割”。不过，围绕生存资料的生产和分配逐渐产生了更加丰富的社会权力关系，而巩固和拓展这种权力关系则使得构筑更加严格的秩序成为必然。神秘感是构筑秩序的重要依据，而赋予仪式以神秘感的则是觋、巫等知识群体，他们将天、帝、王、人通过仪式联系在一起，建构起一套以礼为基础的秩序。但是，西周末年，觋、巫的神秘感被世俗的君权摧毁以后，“君臣秩序”以及由此构筑起来的社会秩序都被颠覆，从而导致“君臣之礼既坏”和“礼坏乐崩”的情形。“以智力相雄长”不仅表现在王室内部、诸侯之间、社会层面上，而且也表现在知识分子身上。从此以后，士绝大多数以追逐爵禄而骄天下为荣，以至于两千多年来一直存在“士贱而君肆”的情形。“君士互动”的治理模式，正是随着神秘主义的礼的崩溃而崩溃的。     

治理效能视角下公民参与公共服务的制度研究

公民参与公共服务的有序性和有效性并非直接相关,可以从有序性和有效性两个维度分析公民参与及其治理效能的关系.为提升治理效能,以程序性规则为核心的制度设计能更为充分地保障公民有序有效参与公共服务,实现公民与政府之间的良性互动与有序合作.基于全过程民主、程序性权利和共同体秩序等公民参与的程序性价值维度考量,再以环境保护领域中的公民参与为例,从公开公示机制、意见表达机制、回应吸纳机制、监督评价机制和责任追究机制等方面构建公民全过程参与制度,并探索公民参与的方法和策略.通过公民参与的程序性价值内化、方法创新与技术转型来推进治理体系和治理能力现代化.     

Local mobilisations and the formation of environmental networks in a democratizing Tunisia

ABSTRACT

This study examines the environmental protests that occurred in Tunisia after the 2011 uprisings. It analyses the factors underpinning the rise of the environmental networks during the period of transition (2011–2014). It details the mobilising strategies that were crucial for the networks’ growth or survival during this period of institutional instability. The study shows how networks leaders were able to bring together social and political actors from different backgrounds and ideological orientations. It is argued that the ability of networks to develop new distinctive collective identities was crucial for network sustainability. Those networks and actors who did not develop new clearly defined environmental identities and continued to rely importantly on pre-existing (authoritarian) structures and practices were more negatively impacted by ideological cleavages and political calculations. Empirically, the contribution builds on interviews and observations, as well as documents collected from Tunisian municipalities between 2013 and 2015. Conceptually, the research proposes a bottom-up perspective that highlights the interplay between micro- and macro-dynamics and strategies during a political transition. The analysis details the actors’ capacity to build alliances via interpersonal relations at the micro level, and their strategies to engage with institutional actors and processes.     

Beyond Piketty: A new perspective on poverty and inequality in India

The socio-economic literature has focused much on how overall inequality in income distribution (frequently measured by the Gini coefficient) undermines the “trickle down” effect. In other words, the higher the inequality in the income distribution, the lower is the growth elasticity of poverty. However, with the publication of Piketty’s magnum opus (2014), and a subsequent study by Chancel and Piketty (2017) of evolution of income inequality in India since 1922, the focus has shifted to the income disparity between the richest 1% (or 0.01%) and the bottom 50%. Their central argument is that the rapid growth of income at the top end of millionaires and billionaires is a by-product of growth. The present study extends this argument by linking it to poverty indices in India. Based on the India Human Development Survey 2005–12 – a nationwide panel survey-we examine the links between poverty and income inequality, especially in the upper tail relative to the bottom 50%, state affluence (measured in per capita income) and their interaction or their joint effect. Another feature of our research is that we analyse their effects on the FGT class of poverty indices. The results are similar in as much as direction of association is concerned but the elasticities vary with the poverty index. The growth elasticities are negative and significant for all poverty indices. In all three cases, the disparity between the income share of the top 1% and share of the bottom 50% is associated with greater poverty. These elasticities are much higher than the (absolute) income elasticities except in the case of the poverty gap. The largest increase occurs in the poverty gap squared – a 1% greater income disparity is associated with a 1.24% higher value of this index. Thus the consequences of even a small increase in the income disparity are alarming for the poorest.     

我国中小学校园欺凌问题研究及薄弱环节——基于CNKI文献关键词的共词分析

随着一系列恶性事件被媒体曝光，社会各界普遍关注和担忧校园欺凌问题，如何解决这一问题，已成为社会焦点。通过共词分析法对我国中小学校园欺凌问题研究现状进行考察发现，其研究主题主要包括六大类：校园欺凌行为特征研究、校园欺凌与学校管理的关系研究、校园欺凌与人际交往的关系研究、校园欺凌的成因与对策研究、校园欺凌的预防与治理研究、校园欺凌的社会问题研究，而研究的薄弱环节则主要包括品格教育研究、学生自我保护研究以及网络欺凌问题研究。因此，校园欺凌问题研究亟待进一步深化，研究视角也需进一步拓展。首先，除欺凌者、被欺凌者之外，旁观者也应纳入研究范畴，要将欺凌者和被欺凌者实施隔离，对受欺凌者要及时给予心理疏导，引导旁观者积极主动地帮助被欺凌者；其次，建议尽快出台相关的法律法规，为学校、教师及相关部门有效处理、解决校园欺凌问题提供法律支持及保障；最后，将综合预防与治理相结合，建立由学校、教师、学生组成的反欺凌共同体。     

"指标困局":农村贫困治理的实践与反思

在国家的扶贫实践中，地方政府的行为策略是影响扶贫绩效的关键变量。通过对精准扶贫政策实践的调研发现，中央政府不断升级的治理手段为重构央地关系创造了条件，地方政府对国家扶贫理念转型认知的偏差以及在形成路径依赖之后的策略行为不仅容易产生对总体局势的误判，还为后期的政策困局埋下了伏笔。在此背景下，地方扶贫工作遭遇“指标困局”，即地方政府很难实事求是去识别贫困户，只能在既有的指标约束下进行精准识别，扶贫工作陷入了反复识别，却仍难实现精准的怪圈。     

中国共产党宪法治理百年探索及省思

中国共产党的宪法治理经历了从根据地局部执政时期的革命宪法,新中国成立初期移植苏联宪制模式及本土化探索,到改革开放后逐步形成依宪治国与依宪执政的新局面。百年宪法治理历程曲折蹒跚,终坚定向前,经验值得弘扬。宪法治理模式的移植当慎重,宪法的权威应维护,加强党的领导和中国特色社会主义宪制创新,培育中国特色社会主义宪法文化任重道远。     

新乡贤重塑乡规民约:历史承继、时代价值及实现路径

当前乡村治理中乡规民约面临德治退化、自治弱化及法治虚化等现实困境。新乡贤作为乡村社会精英群体,在增强乡规民约的现代性、厚植乡规民约的乡土性及强化乡规民约的权威性等方面具有显著的时代价值,是重塑乡规民约的有益主体选择。实现新乡贤在重塑乡规民约中的时代价值,需要强化乡贤文化的敦风化俗功能、构建乡贤群体的风险防范机制及发挥乡贤组织的协商共治作用。     

安徽省大别山区旅游扶贫效率时空格局演化及影响机理

采用DEA模型对安徽省大别山区旅游扶贫效率的综合测度影响因素分析可知:安徽省大别山区旅游扶贫效率处于中等偏低水平,呈现波动上升的趋势,主要受规模效率驱动;旅游扶贫规模效率和旅游扶贫综合效率的空间分异特征较为类似,均呈现出区域中间高南北低的分布,旅游扶贫纯技术效率高值区呈现出由区域北部和南部片状集中分布逐渐向四周不断分散分布的演化态势;投入规模、人力支持水平、可达性水平、信息化水平对大别山区旅游扶贫效率产生正向影响,且影响强弱呈现为信息化水平>人力支持>可达性水平>投入规模。     

论改善型民生

根据支撑基础、责任负担、保障水平以及民众需求等维度，可以把民生保障划分为托底型、基本型、改善型以及富裕型等四种类型。改善型民生是经济社会发展到一定阶段的产物，也是国家治理体系与治理能力现代化的客观要求。它是指通过各类民生项目的安排及民生待遇优化以促进民众生活得到持续改善、社会发展水平得到提升的一种制度类型，是民生项目更加齐全、内容更为完善、治理水平更高、使民众各按其分的民生模式，是人们的日常生活与服务消费支出总额持续增长以便能够提升生活水平的民生类型，是那种不断满足人的需要特别是较高层次需要的模式类型，也是更有助于形成社会结构稳定、国家长治久安的民生制度类型，因而具有综合性、完善性、激励性以及发展性等特点。这要求我们优化民生类型设计及民生投入结构，补齐改善型民生短板，营造良好社会秩序，扎实推进国家治理体系及治理能力现代化建设。