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公民参与公共服务的有序性和有效性并非直接相关,可以从有序性和有效性两个维度分析公民参与及其治理效能的关系.为提升治理效能,以程序性规则为核心的制度设计能更为充分地保障公民有序有效参与公共服务,实现公民与政府之间的良性互动与有序合作.基于全过程民主、程序性权利和共同体秩序等公民参与的程序性价值维度考量,再以环境保护领域中的公民参与为例,从公开公示机制、意见表达机制、回应吸纳机制、监督评价机制和责任追究机制等方面构建公民全过程参与制度,并探索公民参与的方法和策略.通过公民参与的程序性价值内化、方法创新与技术转型来推进治理体系和治理能力现代化.  相似文献   
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历史照亮过去,历史启迪未来。以党史、新中国史、改革开放史、社会主义发展史为核心内容的“四史”教育,是以历史为基础的思想政治教育。从党史、新中国史、改革开放史、社会主义发展史中挖掘思想政治理论课教育资源,对高校传承红色基因、落实立德树人根本任务具有重要的指导意义。以庆祝中国共产党成立100周年为契机,将“四史”教育融入高校思想政治理论课教学,必须遵循相应的逻辑理路:树立正确党史观、坚定理想信念的价值追求是融入的逻辑立场;强化大历史观、理解党的伟大贡献是融入的逻辑方法;坚持内在统一性、把握“四史”教育的整体性逻辑是融入的基本前提;抓住侧重点、精准对接各门大学生思想政治理论课程是融入的逻辑核心;坚持实践逻辑、引导大学生从“四史”中汲取智慧和力量是融入的根本遵循。  相似文献   
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This review essay evaluates Capital and Ideology in light of the Latin American experience. Given its history of exploitation and high levels of inequality, the region constitutes an essential case study. By considering the Latin America case, we can also benefit from the many insights coming from within the region and often overlooked by the Anglo‐Saxon (dominant) literature. The paper makes two different arguments. First, asymmetries in economic and political power are the main drivers of long‐term inequality. Following insights from structuralism, I show how the organization of the global economy has shaped domestic patterns of income distribution in many parts of the world. The dependent character of economic development together with the power of domestic elites explain Latin America's stubborn inequality; ideology has historically been more an instrument than an underlying driver. Second, we cannot understand the evolution of income distribution without considering the role of dictatorships. While Capital and Ideology explains convincingly why liberal democracies are not working, it never properly considers the risk and costs of (conservative) authoritarian regimes. In thinking about policy responses, the essay also highlights the importance of strengthening democracy, fighting dictatorships, and enhancing the influence of social movements.  相似文献   
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五四时期是李大钊民族复兴思想形成的重要阶段。李大钊曾对新生的民国寄予厚望,然而实际情况是战争频仍、民不聊生、列强咄咄逼人。内忧外患之际,同为亚洲“病夫”的土耳其又奇迹般实现复兴,刺激李大钊发出创造“青春中华”、实现“民族复活”的呐喊。李大钊敏锐地意识到十月革命的时代意义,认识到马克思主义的科学性,毅然选择了马克思主义,主张走俄国道路。基于唯物史观,李大钊开始改变仅仅依靠青年、走资产阶级道路实现复兴的主张,转而提出要依靠广大劳工群众,走社会主义道路,从而实现中华民族之复兴的主张。  相似文献   
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In recent years, there has been a growing scholarly interest in conceptualising schools beyond their educational functions, as sites and agents of democracy. Yet this interest is often underpinned by a narrow conception of democracy, focusing solely on schools’ public and social aspects. To capture the democratic potential of schools more fully, this article suggests adopting a deliberative systems approach, which conceptualises democracy as differentiated yet linked sites of democratic communications and views schools as one such site. Using this approach as a broader framework and drawing on the fieldwork conducted in two Japanese schools, this article identifies the condition under which schools can become a meaningful part of deliberative systems. It reveals that schools contribute to deliberative systems when they serve as a bridge between children’s everyday practices and deliberative actions in the public space. In light of the findings, this article suggests conceptualising schools as a ‘mediating space’.  相似文献   
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The increasingly multicultural fabric of Western liberal democracies has given rise to the issue of the presence of Muslim minorities in the West, as rising hatred and hostility toward Islam and Muslims in the West undermine the three guiding principles of freedom, equality and dignity that underpin the foundation of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism. Today, Muslims in the West struggle for freedom, equality and dignity to ensure their ethnocultural survival and full and equal participation within the mainstream society. Therefore, it would be quite correct to say that the endurance of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism built on the Western civilization depends on the eradication of Western Islamophobia.  相似文献   
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以人民为中心思想是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义理论的重要组成部分,既是对马克思主义理论人民立场的继承与发展,又是紧密结合新的时代特征和实践要求的理论创新成果。中国共产党是马克思主义政党,中国共产党坚持马克思主义理论就必须以人民为中心。中国共产党的初心和使命就是为人民谋幸福,为中华民族谋复兴。中国共产党在中国近现代史上始终践行了马克思主义人民性的理论品格。中国特色社会主义进入新时代后,我国社会的主要矛盾已经变成人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾,中国共产党作为马克思主义执政党,只有始终坚持以人民为中心,只有始终坚持走中国特色社会主义道路,才能永远代表并最终实现中国人民的根本利益。  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

Drawing on Amartya Sen’s writings, this article presents the capability approach to democracy and shows its relevance for the sociological reflection and research on democratic processes conceived as ways to convert individual preferences into collective norms or decisions. Two moments are key in this respect: the formation of individual preferences and their translation into collective norms in the course of public debates. The initial sections present Sen’s conception of democracy, particularly emphasizing its articulation with the notions of ‘positional objectivity’ and ‘conversion’. Then, this conception is compared with two other mechanisms that may be used to coordinate individual decisions or preferences, namely the market and idealistic views on deliberative democracy. The article emphasizes how the capability approach departs from these two conceptions with regard to the two key concepts of capacity to aspire and capability for voice. The final section shows how Sen’s notion of democracy may open up a new field for research, namely the sociological investigation of the informational (or knowledge) basis of democracy.  相似文献   
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改革开放 40 年来,我国农村法治建设取得了前所未有的成就,具有中国特色的农业农村法律体系基本成型,涉农法律实施机制日益完善,农村社会守法共荣的法治观念明显增强。 以促进农业产业发展、农村建设和农民权益保护为主要目标的农业农村法律体系,和以权利调整、农业补贴、农业市场准入为主要手段的农业农村法律调控机制,成为推进我国农村改革和农业产业调整的重要力量。 面向新时代,需充分发挥农村法治在乡村振兴中的保障作用,并从立法、执法、司法、守法各个环节全方位推进我国农业农村现代化建设。  相似文献   
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