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Sex offenders and sex crimes provoke a great deal of anxiety in our society, and over the past decade, lawmakers have passed a variety of social policies designed to protect the public from sexual victimization. The purpose of this study was to examine public perceptions about sex offenders and community protection policies. Data were obtained from a sample of 193 residents in Melbourne, Florida. It was hypothesized that the public holds some inaccurate beliefs about sex offenders, and that there is strong public support for community protection policies. It was found that community members believe that sex offenders have very high recidivism rates, view sex offenders as a homogeneous group with regard to risk, and are skeptical about the benefits of sex offender treatment. The hypothesis that public perceptions contradict empirical research was supported. Community members were overwhelmingly in favor of public disclosure of information about registered sex offenders, although they did not express as much support for residence restrictions. Implications for public policy, and for the media's role in shaping public perceptions, are discussed.  相似文献   
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This analysis compares patterns of response to the harassment experiences that had the greatest effect on the respondents to the ‘1988 Department of Defense (DoD) Survey of Sex Roles in the Active‐Duty Military’ and Form A of the ‘1995 Armed Forces Sexual Harassment Survey’. We analyse the respondents’ perceptions about effectiveness of their responses, and respondents’ opinions about the efforts of senior military leadership, and their own immediate supervisors’ efforts to ‘make honest and reasonable efforts to stop sexual harassment in the active‐duty military’ ( DoD, 1988 ; Bastian et al., 1996 ). Results indicate that while the military has been somewhat successful in attempts to lower actual incidence of sexual harassment, the percentage of those experiencing such uninvited and unwanted behaviours remains high. Similar patterns of responses in both years, with most employing personal solutions and few filing complaints with officials, may reflect the fact that official DoD policy focuses on individual behaviour and does not address the masculine environmental context that promotes such behaviours (see also Harrell and Miller, 1997 ). Findings also suggest that the ‘no tolerance’ policies adopted by the military may concentrate on the military image but ignore the wishes of the complainants who fear reprisals. If the rights and wishes of all parties involved are not taken into account, policies are unlikely to be successful (see, for example, Rowe, 1996 ).  相似文献   
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Previous sociological research shows that exposure to stress varies by individuals’ social statuses and is a central mechanism in producing mental health disparities. This line of research suggests that ethnoracial groups are more exposed to racial discrimination, thus negatively impacting their mental health. There has also been a growing literature showing how legal status impacts the mental health of immigrants and their families. However, the sociology of mental health and migration literature has largely remained disparate. This paper bridges these literatures to highlight how living a deportation threat manifests itself as an anticipatory stressor that negatively impacts undocumented Mexican migrant women’s access to resources, social relationships, and social roles. Based on 30 semi-structured in-depth interviews with undocumented Mexican immigrant women from Houston, Texas, my findings reveal living a deportation threat is a perpetual anticipatory stressor that intensifies the effects of avoiding authorities, family fragmentation, and economic uncertainty. I argue this anticipatory stressor transforms into a chronic stressor that undocumented Mexican women confront daily. By situating this study within an anti-immigrant social context, it highlights the social processes and mechanisms that exacerbate the stressors undocumented Mexican immigrant women confront.  相似文献   
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In recent years masculinity studies writers, in particular R. W. Connell, have focused on the relationship between globalization and ‘hegemonic’ forms of masculinity. This paper provides an assessment of this scholarship and argues that whilst Connell and others have usefully identified the gendered nature of globalization, masculinity scholars have also provided a somewhat limiting account of the global hegemonic role of a monolithic top-down ‘transnational business masculinity’. By contrast, we suggest a demassification of this notion of hegemonic masculinity. Such a demassification enables the opening up of a dialogue between masculinity studies and feminist and other critical globalization scholars, allowing for a more nuanced analysis that can attend to both the unevenness of globalization in different settings and more detailed awareness of interactions between global and local/cultural/state imperatives. Our aim here is to move away from conceptualizations of globalization and hegemonic masculinity that are exceptionally top-down towards an analysis of the contested and shifting nature of gender identity at the global as well as the local level, to highlight the ways in which different hegemonic masculinities are negotiated, and even resisted. We argue that by understanding ‘transnational business masculinity’ as a discursive ideal that legitimates the workings of global capitalism, there is scope for a greater level of engagement between critical globalization scholarship and gender studies. This might also open the door to an account of globalization that entails more detailed reference to women and femininities.

En años recientes, los escritores sobre Los Estudios de la Masculinidad, y en particular R.W. Connell, se han enfocado en la relación entre la globalización y las formas ‘hegemónicas’ de la masculinidad. Este artículo proporciona una evaluación de esta beca y sostiene que mientras Connell y otros han identificado de manera útil la naturaleza del género de la globalización, los académicos sobre la masculinidad también suministraron un reporte de cierta manera limitado, sobre el rol hegemónico global monolítico del más alto al más bajo, de ‘una masculinidad en los negocios transnacionales’. Por el contrario, nosotros sugerimos una desmasificación de esta noción de masculinidad hegemónica. Tal desmasificación hace posible la apertura de un diálogo entre Los Estudios de la Masculinidad y de Feministas y otros académicos críticos de la globalización, permitiendo un análisis más matizado que puede acudir tanto a la disparidad de la globalización en diferentes escenarios como a una mayor conciencia detallada sobre las interacciones entre los imperativos locales/culturales/estatales. Nuestra meta es separarnos de las conceptualizaciones de la globalización y de la masculinidad hegemónica que son excepcionalmente jerárquicas hacia un análisis de los controvertidos y trasladar la naturaleza de la identidad del género tanto a nivel global como al local, para resaltar las formas como las masculinidades hegemónicas diferentes han negociado, e incluso resistido. Sostenemos que al entender ‘la masculinidad en los negocios transnacionales’ como un ideal discursivo que legitimiza el funcionamiento del capitalismo global, existe un propósito para un nivel mayor de participación entre la investigación crítica de la globalización y los estudios del género. Esto también puede abrir la puerta a un informe de globalización que conlleve una referencia más detallada de mujeres y feminidades.

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This article is a reaction to the 1978 Evaluation of Women in the Army report issued by the U.S. Army. It looks at the criteria used in women's evaluation in terms of the sexist ideology prevalent in the military system. Those issues which are identified by the Army as problematic and which affect policies regarding women's full integration into the Army are discussed at length.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Sociological Society in April, 1983. I am indebted to Nijole V. Benokraitis for her comments at that time. I would also like to thank John Sibley Butler, Susan Marshall and Marie Crane for their helpful comments. Any opinions, conclusions, and recommendations, whether expressed or implied, are those of the author.  相似文献   
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An important focus of the 1996 World Aids Conference related to the extent of unprotected sex among gay men, particularly those in their twenties. This paper will use logistic analysis to explore the extent of unsafe sexual practices among individuals living in Bexar County, Texas, who are HIV+ assymptomatic, HIV+ symptomatic, or have AIDS. Using survey research data, we assess the significance and impact of various independent factors on whether respondents reported they did or did not engage in unprotected sex. The most striking finding is that unprotected sexual activity is prevalent regardless of demographic and/or status differences among respondents. Findings reinforce the use of community planning processes, which emphasize the importance of sound behavioral and social science combined with efforts to include the affected constituency to create effective HIV prevention programs.  相似文献   
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Much of the research on gender differences in occupational earnings still focuses on human capital and the structure of the labor market. However, these variables rarely explain even half of the gender gap in earnings. Most research has examined the impact of gender role ideology as it impacts occupational choice, which indirectly can impact earnings. Using data from the National Opinion Research Center General Social Surveys, this research focuses on the relationship between attitudes about gender roles and two variables: (a) earnings, and (b) occupational positions held by women and men. Findings show that traditional gender-role ideology contributes to lower observed earnings for both males and females, independent of the influences of human capital characteristics, occupational context, and ascribed characteristics. Results support socialization as a partial explanation for the gender-based earnings differences and suggest that, to the extent that economic rewards are used to assess the value of gender role expectations, traditional gender role attitudes might continue to change and lead to relatively equal earnings among women and men.  相似文献   
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The purpose of this study was to understand how lesbians learn to negotiate the heterosexism of corporate America. The sample consisted of ten women at the management or executive level who were over the age of 30, identified as lesbians, had worked in their organization for at least two years, had at least two people who report directly to them and had budget responsibility. The primary data collection strategy was in-depth interviews and data were analyzed using the constant comparative method. Lesbians who have learned to negotiate the heterosexism of the corporate setting successfully have learned: a) to pre-screen individuals and groups for their receptivity toward the issue of lesbianism, b) to come out as individuals/lesbians in a strategic way, and c) to educate others about the unique issues that lesbians face in corporate settings. This learning occurred informally and incidentally through: a) dealing with human resources, b) participating in committees and groups, and c) participating in social/corporate events.  相似文献   
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