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Drawing on integrated data from focus groups and diary entries, we explored the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on child well-being for children from five Majority World Countries. We focus on the disruptions the pandemic caused, the adjustments made in response to these, and children's vision of a post-pandemic world. Underlying children's experiences of loss, boredom and concerns about educational progress, was an awareness of systemic inequalities that disadvantaged them or others in their community. Findings have implications on capturing children's voices through introspective and dialogical approaches that transcend cultures and for the development of preventive and responsive interventions during crises.  相似文献   
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In the framework of a one-and-a-half year long research and development project implemented by the Kurt Lewin Foundation, we studied the relationships between organizational culture and the hidden curriculum of schools, as well as how students’ knowledge, opinions, and attitudes are connected to active citizenship, democratic values, social and political issues, and questions related to minorities. We were interested to discover whether we could find any connections between school life, teaching competencies, teachers’ knowledge and students’ extreme right sentiments, and political attitudes. According to our hypothesis, students in a more democratic school should hold more democratic views, and should be more open towards minorities, demonstrating more support for human rights and the rule of law. Our research – focusing on graduating student cohorts, studying in secondary schools located in Eastern Hungary – only partly confirmed our hypothesis: the schools involved in the project influenced students’ knowledge, opinions, and attitudes regarding issues within schools. However, with respect to most questions, there was a limited relationship between school environment and student attitudes regarding social-political issues outside the schools. Our research also explored the underlying reasons behind the results and – connected to that – possible ways to ameliorate attitudes, from the school management level to educational policy-making.

A Kurt Lewin Alapítvány másféléves kutatási-fejlesztési programja során megvizsgáltuk, hogy milyen kapcsolat van az iskolák szervezeti kultúrája, rejtett tanterve és a diákok aktív állampolgársággal, demokratikus értékekkel, szociális és politikai kérdésekkel, valamint kisebbségekkel kapcsolatos tudása, vélekedése és attit?dje között. Arra voltunk kíváncsiak, hogy található-e kapcsolat az iskolai élet, a tanítás és a tanárok ismeretei, kompetenciái és attit?dje, valamint a diákok széls?jobboldalhoz kapcsolódó érzelmei és politikai attit?dje között. Hipotézisünk szerint a demokratikusabb iskolák diákjai maguk is inkább demokratikusak, nyitottabbak a kisebbségek felé, jobban támogatják az emberi jogokat és a jogállami kereteket. Kutatásunk, melyben kelet-magyarországi középiskolák végz?s diákjai vettek rész, csak részben igazolta feltevésünket: a programba bevont iskolák a diákok iskolán belüli életére vonatkozóan bírnak befolyásoló hatással a diákok tudására, véleményére és attit?djeire. Mindazonáltal a legtöbb kérdés esetében az iskola falain kívüli élet társadalmi-politikai ügyeit illet?en nincsenek jelent?s hatással. Kutatásunk annak is utána járt, hogy milyen magyarázatok találhatók az eredményekre és - ehhez kapcsolódóan - milyen fejlesztési lehet?ségek állnak rendelkezésre az iskolaigazgatási szintt?l egészen az oktatáspolitikai döntéshozásig. Jelen cikkünkben a diákok adott társadalmi-politikai kérdéseket illet? attit?djeire vonatkozó eredményeket és a releváns fejlesztési javaslatokat ismertetjük.  相似文献   
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In 2003, the Supreme Court handed down two landmark decisions regarding the use of affirmative action in higher education. In one case, Grutter v. Bollinger, the Court said it was constitutional to consider race in admissions decisions in order to achieve the educational benefits of a diverse student body. In stark contrast, the Court struck down in Gratz v. Bollinger the University of Michigan's undergraduate admissions policy on the grounds that too much of the decision was based on race. In this research note, we surveyed midwestern and southern institutions of higher education to see how college and university presidents in the Fifth and Sixth federal circuits have sought to implement Gratz and Grutter. We find schools in the Fifth Circuit (southern) do not consider race in admissions decisions and those in the Sixth Circuit (midwestern) utilize race to assemble a student body. We suggest that lower federal court precedent may explain why the midwestern schools consider race but the southern schools do not.  相似文献   
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Using input-output (IO) tables from several developed countries (United States, EEC, and Japan) and one developing country (Brazil), we calculate the effects of tariff removal using various combinations of these tables to represent technologies for the countries included in the Michigan Computational Model of World Production and Trade. Among the IO tables, Brazil's reflected unusually high shares of value added, low labor shares, and small supply elasticities. Supply elasticities for the developed countries were somewhat lower than for the United States. Using the Michigan model, our calculated effects of tariff reductions are overstated using the U.S. IO table to represent technologies for other developed countries. Further, for developing countries that use import licensing, the model shows considerable sensitivity to IO table specification. It is especially important, therefore, for computational purposes to obtain the most accurate information possible about IO structures of developing countries.  相似文献   
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In this article, we seek to provide the most comprehensive exploration to date of the effects of economic and social disadvantage on young citizens' voter turnout. We look at four overlapping domains of hardship—those rooted in (a) the family context, (b) the community context, (c) the school context, and (d) major events and life transitions. Our conceptual model of cumulative advantage/disadvantage identifies the different ways in which disadvantages can have cumulative effects on social outcomes generally and on civic participation in particular. Our framework also suggests how patterns of advantage and disadvantage may be mediated by social institutions. Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Survey, we show that disadvantages rooted in the family have major impact on all groups of young citizens and that family disadvantage interacts with school disadvantage for whites. We also show that the effects of early parenthood, being arrested, and dropping out of school have differential effects depending on race. We also show that community colleges function as civic leveling institutions—especially for African American youth.  相似文献   
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This article considers the Global Compact for Refugees (GCR) in light of the increased role of development actors with refugees. It questions whether the GCR is a “game changer” in how it engages development actors in refugee situations, or more of the status quo, whereby development actors are involved with refugees in ad hoc and indirect ways. The article argues that the GCR is a potential game changer because it initiates changes relating to financial, rhetorical and coordination mechanisms that further engage development actors in refugee situations. While it is too early to judge the effectiveness of the GCR fully, the article highlights examples where progress has been made and identifies other areas for potential progress. The article also underscores challenges, noting that the GCR is not designed to respond to all of these obstacles, and that behaviours engrained in development and humanitarian actors may impede potential progress.  相似文献   
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This study examined relationships among CEOs' facial appearance, gender-linked traits, and the financial performance of their company as indicated by Fortune 1000 rank and company profits. Naïve college students rated traits based solely on the facial appearance of male and female CEOs whose companies were matched by Fortune 1000 rank. Female CEOs were rated higher than male CEOs on communal traits (supportiveness, compassion, warmth), whereas male CEOs were rated higher than female CEOs on agentic traits (dominance, leadership, powerfulness), consistent with social role theory. Correlations with company rank and/or profits were found for powerfulness for male CEOs, and for supportiveness, warmth and compassion for female CEOs. For female CEOs, a communal composite predicted company rank and profits, and an agentic composite marginally predicted company rank. The findings do not indicate why these variables are related, but implications for the association of gender-linked traits with top corporate leaders are discussed.  相似文献   
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We present in this paper a computational model of world production, trade, and employment that is disaggregated by country and sector and report on the application of the model to the changes in tariffs and quantifiable nontariff barriers negotiated in the Tokyo Round that was concluded in 1979. The model incorporates supply and demand functions and market-clearing conditions for 22 tradable industries, plus markets for 7 nontradable industries, in each of the 18 major industrialized countries and 16 major developing countries. The equations of the model are presented in the text and the explicit functional forms in an appendix. The implementation of the model is discussed briefly.Application of the model to the Tokyo Round suggested that there will be small but beneficial effects on trade, domestic prices, and economic welfare in practically all the major industrialized countries and in some of the major developing countries. Because many of the NTB codes negotiated in the Tokyo Round were stated in advisory terms, their impact cannot be evaluated unambiguously at present. Further, many existing NTBs of importance were exempted altogether from the negotiations. The Tokyò Round must be viewed accordingly as having dealt with a somewhat limited part of all interferences with trade.  相似文献   
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