Assessing Prejudice Toward Two-Father Parenting and Two-Mother Parenting: The Beliefs on Same-Sex Parenting Scale

This article describes two interrelated studies that investigated beliefs and stereotypes on two-father parenting and two-mother parenting through the development and validation of the Beliefs on Same-Sex Parenting (BOSSP) scale. The BOSSP captures two beliefs: (1) prejudices toward same-sex couples’ inherent inability to parent and (2) concerns about same-sex parenting that are not necessarily related to homonegativity. In Study 1 (301 heterosexual participants), exploratory factor analysis (EFA) suggested an 11-item scale for attitudes toward both two-father families and two-mother families, with two factors: parenting skills, which evaluates beliefs on same-sex couples’ ability to take care of their children; and parental adjustment, which assesses beliefs on the impact of challenges related to same-sex parenting on children’s well-being. Support for convergent validity between BOSSP factor scores and those of theoretically related measures were provided. In Study 2 (346 heterosexual participants surveyed in two time points), CFA indicated that the two-factor model provided the best fit. Test-retest reliability and longitudinal invariance were documented. Finally, results revealed that more negative attitudes toward same-sex parenting were held by men than by women and were associated with negative opinions on reproductive techniques. The innovative characteristics of the BOSSP and implications for future practice are discussed.     

Are people in the South less intelligent than in the North? IQ and the North–South disparity in Italy

Socioeconomic disparity between North and South Italy has been recently explained by Lynn (2010) as the result of a lower intelligence quotient (IQ) of the Southern population. The present article discusses the procedure followed by Lynn, supplementing his data with new information on school assessments and per head regional income. Genetic North–South differences are then discussed on the basis of the most recent literature on the subject. The results do not confirm the suggested IQ-economy causal link.     

On the incidence–prevalence relation and length‐biased sampling

For many diseases, logistic constraints render large incidence studies difficult to carry out. This becomes a drawback, particularly when a new study is needed each time the incidence rate is investigated in a new population. By carrying out a prevalent cohort study with follow‐up it is possible to estimate the incidence rate if it is constant. The authors derive the maximum likelihood estimator (MLE) of the overall incidence rate, λ, as well as age‐specific incidence rates, by exploiting the epidemiologic relationship, (prevalence odds) = (incidence rate) × (mean duration) (P/[1 ? P] = λ × µ). The authors establish the asymptotic distributions of the MLEs and provide approximate confidence intervals for the parameters. Moreover, the MLE of λ is asymptotically most efficient and is the natural estimator obtained by substituting the marginal maximum likelihood estimators for P and µ into P/[1 ? P] = λ × µ. Following‐up the subjects allows the authors to develop these widely applicable procedures. The authors apply their methods to data collected as part of the Canadian Study of Health and Ageing to estimate the incidence rate of dementia amongst elderly Canadians. The Canadian Journal of Statistics © 2009 Statistical Society of Canada     

From nation-state to global society: the changing paradigm of contemporary sociology

This paper discusses the strong criticism by Elias against the nation-state paradigm in sociology. Elias pointed his attention on sociologists of the twentieth century but particularly criticizes the analytical model of Parsons (AGIL), which seems to him an abstract combinatory of variables (pattern variables) without any references in social contexts. The sociology in the twentieth century is an apologetic of nation-state and, in Parsons, of the hegemonic role of the United States in the world. In fact, during the twentieth century many authors (historians and sociologists) tried to overcome the nation-state paradigm in the social sciences. The author of the paper analyses the contribution of Toynbee, Braudel, C. Schmitt, Huntington, Wallerstein and Hard–Negri. These attempts are based on different unit analysis: the civilization and its clash in the case of Toynbee and Huntington, the world economy in the case of Braudel and Wallerstein, and power in the case of C. Schmitt and Negri–Hardt. The author appreciates these attempts but his conclusion is that the concept of global society can better serve as unit analysis for a construction of a new paradigm in the social sciences.     

On the performance of mildly greedy players in cut games

We continue the study of the performance of mildly greedy players in cut games initiated by Christodoulou et al. (Theoret Comput Sci 438:13–27, 2012), where a mildly greedy player is a selfish agent who is willing to deviate from a certain strategy profile only if her payoff improves by a factor of more than \(1+\epsilon \), for some given \(\epsilon \ge 0\). Hence, in presence of mildly greedy players, the classical concepts of pure Nash equilibria and best-responses generalize to those of \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate pure Nash equilibria and \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate best-responses, respectively. We first show that the \(\epsilon \)-approximate price of anarchy, that is the price of anarchy of \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate pure Nash equilibria, is at least \(\frac{1}{2+\epsilon }\) and that this bound is tight for any \(\epsilon \ge 0\). Then, we evaluate the approximation ratio of the solutions achieved after a \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate one-round walk starting from any initial strategy profile, where a \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate one-round walk is a sequence of \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate best-responses, one for each player. We improve the currently known lower bound on this ratio from \(\min \left\{ \frac{1}{4+2\epsilon },\frac{\epsilon }{4+2\epsilon }\right\} \) up to \(\min \left\{ \frac{1}{2+\epsilon },\frac{2\epsilon }{(1+\epsilon )(2+\epsilon )}\right\} \) and show that this is again tight for any \(\epsilon \ge 0\). An interesting and quite surprising consequence of our results is that the worst-case performance guarantee of the very simple solutions generated after a \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate one-round walk is the same as that of \((1+\epsilon )\)-approximate pure Nash equilibria when \(\epsilon \ge 1\) and of that of subgame perfect equilibria (i.e., Nash equilibria for greedy players with farsighted, rather than myopic, rationality) when \(\epsilon =1\).     

Not in the Same Mental Drawer: Internalized Sexual Stigma,Dissociation, and the Role of Religion in a Sample of Italian Gay Men

ABSTRACT

Several studies have highlighted the relationship between internalized sexual stigma (ISS) and dissociation. The aim of the present study was to empirically investigate this relationship through a quantitative study. The Measure of Internalized Sexual Stigma for Lesbians and Gay Men (MISS-LG) and the Dissociation Scale (DIS) of the Trauma Symptom Inventory (TSI) were administered to 120 Caucasian participants who self-identified as gay men. Findings suggested that dissociative symptomatology, as measured by DIS—an estimation of the use of dissociation as a defense mechanism—was positively associated with MISS general index and all dimensions of MISS, especially the sexuality dimension (ISS-S). Moreover, the effect of the ISS-S on DIS was amplified in Catholic participants, suggesting a moderating role of religiosity. Implications for future research and clinical practice are discussed.     

Will Democracy Win?

In reviewing the articles in this collection, four models of electoral participation are presented. Resources, party mobilization, electoral competition, and civic virtues are each important in driving turnout. Yet recent findings attest to the unique contribution of personality psychology in making sense of citizens' preferences and voting. A congruency-efficacy model is presented to account for both political preference and political participation and, ultimately, for voting. A cross-national and comparative view is recommended to fully appreciate the complexities of engagement in the key democratic process of voting.