司法附属行政语境下的中国古代法官地位

“司法附属行政”是中国古代司法的一个重要特征。在这一背景下，中国古代法官地位就呈现出鲜明的附属性特征，这种特征同样体现在法院的地位和司法权的地位上，这也导致中国古代法官没有专门的职业保障制度，而这一切都深深地镶嵌在当时的人治大背景之中。通过与现代法官地位的比较，可以更加深切地感受到古今法官地位以至整个司法状况的巨大差异。中国现代法官地位在独立性方面相对于古代法官有了巨大改善，但仍然不尽如人意，还需要在今后的司法改革中进行反思和重点关注。     

What is Flint? Place,storytelling, and social media narrative reclamation during the Flint water crisis

ABSTRACT

The Flint Water Crisis became a national news story in January of 2016, when major publishers such as The New York Times began covering the story. In the same month, an influx of social media activism occurred in response to the crisis, with citizens developing hashtag campaigns such as #FlintFwd in order to disseminate news and stories from a citizen’s perspective; these campaigns often positioned Flint positively ? as a recovering community ? rather than a city in the middle of a public health crisis, and often addressed not a national public but a local audience. This paper considers Flint-based social media activity to investigate the emergence of place-based activism within the ostensibly global network of social media. In doing so, it identifies three key themes; 1) leveraging social media to forward a critique of deficient journalistic storytelling; 2) using the affective process of storytelling via social media to claim authority over their own material offline existence, and 3) using place-based storytelling to implicate others as witnesses via the global network of social media. These themes coalesce around a distinctly critical logic of connectivity. This logic extends the notion of connectivity articulated by Van Dijck and Poell [2013. Understanding social media logic. Media and Communication, 1(1), 2–14.] and the strategies of platform activism explored by Tufekci [2017. Twitter and tear gas: The power and fragility of networked protest. New Haven: Yale University Press.] to explain how social media works to expose discrepancies between the public story of the water crisis and material, lived conditions of Flint, rendering visible a discursive identity of Flint thus far unrecognized.     

清代冕宁司法档案中的“夷兵”及其功能考察

清代冕宁县作为多民族杂居的地区，雍正年间改土归流后，国家治理开始深入基层社会，为了适应当地民族社会管理的特别需要，当地形成了一种特殊的制度——夷兵换班制。“夷兵换班制”是通过招募当地“夷民”到流官衙署中充当“夷兵”，作为地方流官处理涉及少数民族内部事务的辅助人员，保证国家在处理当地少数民族民政、治安、司法等事务时有熟悉当地“夷俗”的衙吏。由于“夷兵”实行定期轮换，所以称为“夷兵换班制”。“夷兵换班制”的核心是“夷兵”，“夷兵”从职能上看，最初是作为地方治安保安人员，但在现实中往往成为流官和夷民之间在民政、治安、司法事务管理中的中介，具有沟通官方与民间信息、促进国家法与民族习惯融合与互动、弥补外来官吏地方民族事务管理能力不足等功能。总之，“夷兵换班制”是清代地方流官衙署在西南地区治理时针对特定地区设置的一种变通制度，这种制度对于国家在少数民族地区基层社会的治理发挥着十分重要的积极作用。     

Absent bodies and present memories: marking out the everyday and the future in Eastern Sri Lanka

Drawing from ethnographic work carried out between 2005 and 2007, this article considers the ways in which a women’s network has developed strategies to find meaning around the absences of loved ones, killed or ‘disappeared’ during the decades of conflict in Sri Lanka. For most of these women, the fate of their husbands, brothers, sons and fathers is not known and the lack of answers means that they are unable to fully grieve and find closure. In order to survive, they must find ways to deal with the absent bodies and present memories of those who may never be located and accounted for. These strategies include tree-planting ceremonies carried out as a way of not only remembering and mourning loved ones but also asking questions about how one makes sense of loss and what it means to carry the burden of unanswered absences through everyday life and into the future.     

“Who generates this city”? Socialist strategy in contemporary London

This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.     

司法会计鉴定审计刍议

近年来 ,随着国家经济建设迅速发展以及市场经济的进一步深化 ,随之而来的经济案件成为不可避免 ,司法机关在处理经济案件时 ,需要案件当事人双方提供真实的依据 ,以便公正断案。证据的真伪 ,需要有关专业技术人员来鉴定 ,而中国注册会计师为此项鉴定工作起到了很重要作用 ,会计师事务所的“司法会计鉴定审计”便应运而生。     

也谈"错案追究制"

错案追究制自运行以来存在着许多问题,其所具有的负面影响超过了其积极效应的一面.本文从多角度分析了错案追究制产生的影响,并对错案进行了科学的界定.在此基础上,本文倡导错案追究制应让位于全面的司法改革,并提出了具体的司法改革措施.     

Korean ethnic education in Japanese public schools

Korean ethnic education in Japanese public schools has played an important role in the persistence of Korean ethnicity in Japan. In Osaka Prefecture, it began as an educational movement at the end of the 1960s. Japanese and Korean activists who led the movement had different political commitments and developed two approaches. Those interested in Korean homeland politics stressed the importance of teaching the ethnic culture of the homeland and tried to develop an ethno-national identity among Korean children. Those involved in civil rights politics in the context of Japan focused on the problem of ethnic discrimination and facilitated the formation of a political subjectivity among Korean children. The old practice of Korean ethnic education is a form of multicultural education and provides many useful ideas for today's multiculturalist teachers in Japan, who are dealing with children of newcomer foreigners.     

从堕胎权之争看美国宪政及美国社会——以“罗伊诉韦德案”为例

"罗伊案"在美国政治生活中具有广泛而深远的影响.由"罗伊案"引发的堕胎权之争,在美国的政界、司法界和社会各个层面掀起了轩然大波."罗伊案"和此前的"布朗案"推动了美国司法复审制度的建设进程;围绕堕胎权的问题,衍生了选择权利派和生命权利派的对抗:由对选择权和生命权的认可,加剧了美国上个世纪末的政治分野;通过"罗伊案"的推动,美国妇女运动超越了对"性自由"、男女平等等权利的诉求,在更深、更广的层面延展.     

中国出入境管理体制的抉择

近年来,出入中国边境口岸的人员和货物陡增,与国际社会出入境管理体制相比较,中国的出入境管理体制还欠完善.具体表现为专属中央管理的出入境事务由各级公安部门代为管理,公安部门的属地管辖、多层管理导致区域化壁垒、政令不畅;同时,公安、外交部门在护照管理上信息不通,多头执法,易产生管理漏洞.为与国际移民法接轨构建科学的出入境管理体制,中国应尽早出台<出入境法>;改革现有的多头管理体制,争取在北京奥运会前,逐步将全国出入境管理统一置于中央政府监管之下;利用<护照法>刚刚出台之契机,统一出入境证件种类和发放程序,增加并细化签证类别,简化出入境手续;重视人员素质提升,实现从管理职能向服务职能的目标转变.