唐代御史厅壁记写作的文学与文献学价值——以李华､柳宗元厅壁记写作为例

“厅壁记”是镌刻在古代衙门的墙壁上,记述历代职官沿革、制度得失、官员迁转等,具有警示教育意义的一种文体.唐代御史的厅壁记写作重视“法”的作用,有些甚至上升为国家意志,与粉饰太平的馆阁文学大不相同,是中国法制史上浓墨重彩的一笔.唐代御史的厅壁记写作有着独特的文学价值:(1)李华、柳宗元的诸多厅壁记均用散体文写就,简洁真切,议论精警,已开中唐古文运动的先声.(2)唐代御史在厅壁记创作中注入鲜明的主体意识,语言辛辣,发人深思.唐代御史厅壁记的文献学价值表现在:一是订补现存史志文献之阙,促进唐史研究的深入;二是有助于对唐代文学发生背景的了解.唐代御史厅壁记因观览人数较多,其公众宣传、社会传播、舆论导向之作用亦不可忽视.     

《闽都别记》中的海洋叙事及文化价值

《闽都别记》是清代福建地区的一部长篇白话小说。对这部小说中的海洋叙事加以梳理，从海洋观念的发展、海商形象自由精神的大量描绘、海洋文化下特殊风俗的体现、海洋叙事中猎奇性和纪实性并重的时代特色等四个方面，探讨《闽都别记》中所展现的多元化的海洋文化价值。     

一个多民族文学融合互动的范本——《述善集》文学文献价值考述

“Tangwu” is an alternative name for the descendants of the Xixia dynasty. In 1227 AD, a number of these Xixia descendants moved inland after the destruction of the Xixia Dynasty by the Mongolians. One group of them migrated to the area near Puyang, Henan Province. Tangwu Chongxi ( Yang Chongxi ) of the Yuan Dynasty compiled the Shu San Ji, which is divided into three volumes: Shansu, Yucai and Xingshi, and appended with the biography of Boyan Zongdao. It reflects the historical origins, social class, living conditions and the relations with the Han people of the descendants of the Dangxiangqiang minority af-ter they moved to Puyang. This book attracted a lot of attention in academic circles, and it was there-fore reorganized and published in 1985 after being treasured by the people for more than 600 years. It has high academic value for its comprehensive his-torical records. We can not only acquaint ourselves with the history of the make-up of the Chinese na-tion, but also research this diversity from multiple perspectives, such as history, nationality and folk-lore . That is why it has drawn so much attention a-mong academic researchers. The book contains po-ems, prose and biographies, which belong to dif-ferent celebrated scholars from different ethnic mi-norities, all of whom had relationships with Tang-wu Chongxi. It is also a typical model of Qiang-Han literature, which is very rare. This paper gives a preliminary exploration on the book, and shows a small part of its comprehensive value. Shu San Ji is not a merely personal collec-tion, but is also different from general literature collections. The compilation of the book took a long time. Shu San Ji Xuxie ( Continuation of Shu San Ji) , written by Zhang Yining, was finished in the 18 th year of the Zhizheng Period in the Yuan Dynasty (1358), which indicates that the Shu San Ji had already been finished by that time . Zeng wuwei chushi yangxiangxian xu ( Presented to Chu Shi Yang Xingxian·Preface ) , written by Wei Su and finished in the 24 th year of Zhizheng ( 1364 ) , suggests that the Shu San Ji had been compiled in-to a book by that time, and that it was compiled with the compositions of social celebrities of the time. However, the Shu San Ji, as it has been handed down to us today, includes the Song Yang-gong Xiangxian gui Tanyuan xu ( Preface of Send-ing Yanggong Xiangxian Back to Tanyuan) by Tao Kai, written in March in the 5 th year of Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty ( 1372 ) . It indicates that Yang Xiangxian kept on collecting articles even after the book was finished. The Xu yangshi yiji ( Preface of Yang’s Last Collection) by Wang Chongqing, writ-ten in the 6th year of Jiajing (1527), indicates that the Shu San Ji was still being written after Yang Chongxi’s death. At the end of the Shu San Ji , Boyang Zongdao zhuan ( Biography of Boyang Zongdao) and Weiti shi (Poems) were collected in the 16 th year of Zhengde in the Ming Dynasty (1529) and in the 16th year of Shunzhi in the Qing Dynasty (1629), respectively. It suggests that the
Shu San Ji had been supplemented and continually recompiled since Yang Chongxi firstly finished his book in 1358. After 271 years, in 1629, the Shu San Ji, as we read it today, was finally comple-ted. Through the basic components of the Shu San Ji,readers can understand that the Tangwu family was a harmonious, multi-ethnic family. A number of multi-ethnic writers spent long periods compos-ing works collected in the Shu San Ji and Tangwu Chongxi was also influenced by China’s diverse culture and traditional Confucian culture. The work is strongly connected with his study in Guozixue. In the late Yuan Dynasty, the restora-tion of the imperial examinations promoted Confucianism’s influence further. Pan Di, as Tang-wu Chongxi’s teacher in Guozixue, wrote most arti-cles in the Shu San Ji, which shows their close re-lationship and his influences on Tangwu Chongxi’s literature and Confucian studies. Tangwu Chongxi and others’ works reflected their sense of admira-tion for and deep feelings for their Dangxiang an-cestors, but more so helped to propagate the con-cepts of Confucian edification, diligence, thrifti-ness and benevolence, and some of them did so in a very polemic way. For example, Boyan Zongdao wrote the Jiefu xu ( preface of “Jiefu”) and Tang-wu Chongxi wrote the Jiefu houxu ( epilogue of“Jiefu”) , which reflect the social reality and ide-ology of all scholars with different ethnic back-grounds at that time. His work, “Tangwu gong-bei” fushi ( Poem inscribed on Tangwu Tablet ) , was written in a plain and authentic way and showed that he always remembered his origins and his ethnic desire to inherit the family’s heritage. Meanwhile , it was also mixed with the popular ide-as of upholding the honor of their ancestors from the central plains and Han areas, which shows the
editorial purpose of the Shu San Ji and also dem-onstrates the value of Chinese multi-ethnic litera-ture and cultural integration.     

明洪武、弘治年间文化政策与文言小说创作

明洪武至弘治年间,君主强力推行定程、朱理学于一统的文化政策,十分强调儒家义理在诗文中的教化功能,并以此指导当时的文艺演出和文学创作。这一时期,文人创作的文言小说主要有5部,创作者虽身份各异,地域不同,但其内容多为神仙道化、劝诫讽谏、粉饰太平、惩恶扬善,其中宣扬道德教化的篇目所占比例最大,这与当时朝廷的文化政策导向是一致的。可见,当政局稳定、政治权力处于上升期时,朝廷所倡导的文学观念是可以得到推行的。     

从《吕氏春秋》看《乐记》部分篇章的成书年代及其佚篇

《吕氏春秋》仲夏、季夏二纪中的八篇文章以论乐为主,通过考察这八篇文章中与《礼记·乐记》相同的内容,可知《乐记》中的《乐本》、《乐言》、《乐象》等篇在《吕氏春秋》撰写前已经基本成书。而结合其他传世典籍中的相关记载,可以推测《吕氏春秋》仲夏、季夏二纪可能还保存了《乐记》十二佚篇中的《乐作》、《说律》与《意（音）始》篇。     

论阮籍“孤露”心态与其诗文创作之关系

阮籍幼年的“孤露”心态,与他崇敬女性的态度以及对曹氏与司马氏之间的依恋和背离具有潜在的一致性,其诗文创作中所体现的对儒、道文化的徘徊无适也与此有关。正是幼年“孤露”身世的独特性,造就了阮籍潜在的女性眷恋心迹。阮籍成长过程中的角色转变,促使了他依恋而又背离的“孤露”心态的形成一不即不离。这种“孤露”心态贯穿于阮籍成年后的政治态度、玄学思考与文学创作之中。     

季本《诗经》学思想研究

从对季本诗经学著作《诗说解颐》的文本解读出发,通过对他的生平及著作的研究,分析探明其诗经学思想,揭示了明代诸多解读诗经著作的基本思路。     

嵇文甫对高拱研究的贡献

著名马克思主义史学家和哲学家嵇文甫先生在学术上的贡献是多方面的,其中对明代嘉、隆、万时期杰出的思想家和政治家高拱的学术思想、政治改革和历史地位的研究即是一个重要方面。嵇先生不仅开启了高拱研究之先河,而且他所提出的诸多论点在现代学术界也产生了广泛影响。     

王阳明与冀元亨

介绍了王阳明与冀元亨结识的情况,并从思想史角度考察了王阳明、冀元亨和朱宸濠之间的交往,突出研讨了王阳明历史研究方面问题的重要性。通过本文的研究,我们可以得出下列结论:(1)冀元亨是最早将阳明心学运用到科举考试之中;(2)冀元亨实践了阳明良知之学;(3)阳明心学源于政治上的黑暗。     

司马迁的孔子删《诗》说

司马迁的孔子删《诗》说,到宋代形成学术讨论的焦点。结合司马迁提出这个问题的学术思想背景及其观点的形成过程,可以看出司马迁是在他父亲说法基础上提出孔子删《诗》说的,是他父亲观点的发展,是一种附会的说法。司马迁认为孔子删述六经是承传先王道统,是为后代立法的盛举,自己的修撰史书也是同类性质的行为。他提出这一观点,目的是为修撰《史记》寻找理论依据。