治理效能视角下公民参与公共服务的制度研究

公民参与公共服务的有序性和有效性并非直接相关,可以从有序性和有效性两个维度分析公民参与及其治理效能的关系.为提升治理效能,以程序性规则为核心的制度设计能更为充分地保障公民有序有效参与公共服务,实现公民与政府之间的良性互动与有序合作.基于全过程民主、程序性权利和共同体秩序等公民参与的程序性价值维度考量,再以环境保护领域中的公民参与为例,从公开公示机制、意见表达机制、回应吸纳机制、监督评价机制和责任追究机制等方面构建公民全过程参与制度,并探索公民参与的方法和策略.通过公民参与的程序性价值内化、方法创新与技术转型来推进治理体系和治理能力现代化.     

Deliberative democracy in the real world,the contribution of the capability approach

ABSTRACT

Drawing on Amartya Sen’s writings, this article presents the capability approach to democracy and shows its relevance for the sociological reflection and research on democratic processes conceived as ways to convert individual preferences into collective norms or decisions. Two moments are key in this respect: the formation of individual preferences and their translation into collective norms in the course of public debates. The initial sections present Sen’s conception of democracy, particularly emphasizing its articulation with the notions of ‘positional objectivity’ and ‘conversion’. Then, this conception is compared with two other mechanisms that may be used to coordinate individual decisions or preferences, namely the market and idealistic views on deliberative democracy. The article emphasizes how the capability approach departs from these two conceptions with regard to the two key concepts of capacity to aspire and capability for voice. The final section shows how Sen’s notion of democracy may open up a new field for research, namely the sociological investigation of the informational (or knowledge) basis of democracy.     

All about ideology? Reading Piketty´s with Latin American lenses

This review essay evaluates Capital and Ideology in light of the Latin American experience. Given its history of exploitation and high levels of inequality, the region constitutes an essential case study. By considering the Latin America case, we can also benefit from the many insights coming from within the region and often overlooked by the Anglo‐Saxon (dominant) literature. The paper makes two different arguments. First, asymmetries in economic and political power are the main drivers of long‐term inequality. Following insights from structuralism, I show how the organization of the global economy has shaped domestic patterns of income distribution in many parts of the world. The dependent character of economic development together with the power of domestic elites explain Latin America's stubborn inequality; ideology has historically been more an instrument than an underlying driver. Second, we cannot understand the evolution of income distribution without considering the role of dictatorships. While Capital and Ideology explains convincingly why liberal democracies are not working, it never properly considers the risk and costs of (conservative) authoritarian regimes. In thinking about policy responses, the essay also highlights the importance of strengthening democracy, fighting dictatorships, and enhancing the influence of social movements.     

Western Liberal Democracy: The Struggle of Muslims for Freedom,Equality and Dignity

The increasingly multicultural fabric of Western liberal democracies has given rise to the issue of the presence of Muslim minorities in the West, as rising hatred and hostility toward Islam and Muslims in the West undermine the three guiding principles of freedom, equality and dignity that underpin the foundation of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism. Today, Muslims in the West struggle for freedom, equality and dignity to ensure their ethnocultural survival and full and equal participation within the mainstream society. Therefore, it would be quite correct to say that the endurance of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism built on the Western civilization depends on the eradication of Western Islamophobia.     

从民本主义到民主主义——刘光蕡政治思想的形成与转变

刘光蕡是清末陕西著名维新思想家。他早年坚持民本主义,批判君主无限扩权,认为君源于民,民贵君轻,应以是否利民作为贤君的判断标准,主张实行传贤的官天下制度,君臣之间是平等的师友关系。他在1903年接触到《宪法精理》后,其政治思想发生了转变。他以中国古代官名职名来比附理解西方三权分立的政治制度,认为中国也应实行三权分立制度,君主无实权,仅是象征性的国家元首。刘光蕡的政治思想反映了近代中国新旧过渡时期知识分子的心路历程,具有一定的代表性。     

我国非司法ODR的适用与完善——以闲鱼小法庭为例

互联网经济纠纷的急速增长,迫切需要我国加强完善线上纠纷解决机制(ODR)以解决网络空间中的权利冲突问题。非司法ODR既传承了我国儒家传统的无讼解纷思想,又融会了前沿领域的互联网信息技术,充分将传统与现代相结合并创新智造出具有“线上纠纷线上解决”属性的诉源治理新模式。以闲鱼小法庭为例,基于个人、组织、社会三维效益论视角分析发现:非司法ODR通过融合非诉解纷理念能够实现形式多元、信息互通、对抗性弱的私力救济;非司法ODR通过倡导诉前分流机制可以实现缓解诉讼压力、降低诉讼延迟、优化司法资源配置;非司法ODR通过发挥定分止争作用真正实现了社会整体的非诉福祉建设。为了加快推动具有民间性、自治性、高效性的非司法ODR成为化解涉网纠纷的第一道防线,建议通过国家立法确认其正当地位,建立与司法ODR的衔接机制,规范解纷人员的职业操守,健全对网民数据的隐私保护机制,建立非司法ODR的司法确认制度。      

政权组织体制视阀下中西协商民主研究

协商民主理论在全世界范围内的广泛发展和传播,使其越来越受到政治学界和政治活动家的重视。作为民主政治制度的新转向,协商民主制度具备以“公共理性”为基础的柔性协商特征,因此在中西不同的政权组织体制国家内都占据着重要地位。深入探讨西方国家的三权分立体制与中国议行合一制度中的协商因素,对两者存在的差异性进行对位分析和比较研究,有助于突显协商民主在特定的社会背景和政治实践中的作用和意义。     

“社会主义公民意识教育”辨正

公民是民主国家中拥有公民身份的人。公民意识是公民自身对其公民身份的理性认识与价值认同。社会主义公民意识教育是培养社会主义公民意识的教育活动,以使公民获得对社会主义公民身份的理性认识与价值认同。公民意识教育具有意识形态性,社会主义公民意识教育是我国思想政治教育的重要内容。现阶段社会主义公民意识教育的重点内容是树立民主、法治、自由、平等、公正理念,中心任务是培养公共理性,宏观目标是推进社会主义民主政治与和谐社会建设。     

对代议制的解构--以制度的民主性为考察视角

民主作为一种政治体制形式,经历了从雅典直接民主到近代代议制民主的漫长发展过程。直接民主最符合民众的普遍期待,却因太过理想化而未能在现实的政治土壤上生根发芽。代议制民主虽然借鉴和吸纳了直接民主思想的合理部分,并获得了实践的可操作性,但仍存在实质上的少数人专政以及阶级立法等缺憾。透过民主的历史足迹,对当下的代议制进行解构发现,代议制包含民主与独裁两个动态的因子,面对具体公共事务,民主制下也存在独断的处理方式。