东盟国家的气候治理合作：现状与问题

气候变化是全球性的,区域气候治理合作是解决气候变化问题的有效途径。东盟十国具有相似的地理、经济、政治文化背景,合作往来日益密切。东盟国家积极投入,共同参与气候治理合作,建立了合理有效的气候治理机制,开展的气候治理项目不仅局限于东盟内部,更包含了国际间的合作与协助。东盟气候治理合作开展以来,主要有实施力度有限、成效不明显、气候治理技术方面的研究不足等问题。和平合作是解决气候变化问题的唯一道路,和则双赢,争则双损。     

SPECIAL ISSUE： CLIMATE CHANGE AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE EU and China： Destined to Be Partners in Shaping the Post-Kyoto Regime？

欧盟和中国注定要成为伙伴,努力争取全球气候变化管理的第二承诺期,打造能够迎接21世纪可预期挑战的后京都制度。支持这个论征的基本思路是,与其它主要国家（美国、俄罗斯、印度、日本和加拿大）相比,如果《京都议定书》升级失败的话,损失最大的将是欧盟和中国。反之,如果这一制度将以现代的形式继续生存,并且更为全面地应用具有国际约束力的承诺,那么欧盟和中国则将是最大的赢家。也就是说,欧盟和中国如果希望更有效、更低成本地实现各自有关全球气候变化问题的政治目标的话,它们别无选择,只能一起合作。     

Criticism of the Logic of the Ecological Imperialism of “Carbon Politics” and Its Transcendence

Within the framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol, international carbon politics inevitably presents itself as the logic or essence of “ecological imperialism,” reflecting a few Western countries’ expansion and development of their historically formed international hierarchical superiority or exclusive hegemony on the basis of their domestic capitalist economies and politics. This is an intrinsic obstacle to creating a more equitable, democratic and effective global climate or environmental governance system. Criticism of international carbon politics and its “ecological imperialism,” based on traditional “green-left” theories from Marxist philosophy and political economy, provides a theoretical basis for seeking an alternative way to cope with global climate change effectively. As a responsible developing country, China’s response to climate change is not only an internal requirement for the promotion of its own sustainable development, but also reflects its responsibility to create a community of shared future for mankind. This rationale for our time determines that it is necessary for China to become a world leader in coping with global climate change and environmental governance through a leadership which lies in making a contribution rather than fighting for hegemony.     

EU and China: Destined to Be Partners in Shaping the Post-Kyoto Regime?

This paper argues that China and the EU are destined to be partners in fighting for a second period of commitments for global climate change governance and shaping the post-Kyoto regime to meet the anticipated challenges of the 21^st century. The basic idea backing this argumentation is the assessment that, in comparison with other nations (the United States, Russia, India, Japan and Canada), Europe and China would have most to lose if the upgrading of the Kyoto Protocol fails; and conversely, they would have most to win if the regime survives in a modernized form and with a more comprehensive application of international binding commitments. This is to say, the EU and China have no choice but to work together if they want to achieve their respective political objectives relating to the issue of global climate change in a less costly and more effective way.     

气候变化条件下海洋环境治理的跨制度合作机制可能性研究

气候变化给全球福利带来的负面冲击日益显现且有恶化之势。海洋对气候的调节作用促使人们深度挖掘海洋治理对人类减缓与适应气候变化的潜在功能。《联合国海洋法公约》为气候变化与海洋治理的制度沟通架起了桥梁,在气候变化的巨大冲击下海洋治理应当走跨制度合作之路。     

A comment on ‘Climate change: Social workers’ roles and contributions to policy debates and interventions'

Peeters J. A comment on ‘Climate change: Social workers’ roles and contributions to policy debates and interventions' In this commenting article, I present several critical remarks about Lena Dominelli's contribution to the issue of climate change and its implications for social work. 1 In my view, her article lacks three important considerations. First, I argue that the issue of climate change should be addressed as part of a broader, fundamental challenge: the transition of the growth‐based economic system upon which our society is built. Second, within a context of social and ecological injustice, dealing with climate change inevitably requires a dimension of social struggle. Third and lastly, I emphasise social work's role in challenging the social, political and economic structures and processes that bring about climate change.     

Who Wants to Reduce Greenhouse Gas Emissions?

Objective . We examine cognitive, economic, and partisan heuristic theories of why some people express support for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Methods . Data come from a mail survey of 623 residents of central Pennsylvania, a region in which mitigation costs exceed potential benefits from slowing the rate of global warming. Results . Ordinary least squares analysis shows that people who can accurately identify the causes of climate change and who expect bad consequences from climate change are likely to support both government anti-fossil fuel initiatives and voluntary actions. Economic circumstances and anxieties are not important predictors, but the belief that environmental protection efforts do not threaten jobs for people like the respondent, limit personal freedoms, and hurt the economy is a strong predictor. Democrats are more likely than Republicans to support government efforts to reduce emissions. Conclusions . Cognitive explanations of support for reducing greenhouse gas emissions are more powerful than economic or partisan heuristic ones. People want to reduce emissions if they understand the causes of climate change, if they perceive substantial risks from climate change if average surface temperatures increase, and if they think climate change mitigation policies will not cost them their jobs.     

气候变化冷思考

气候变化事关每一个人,人们有权利听到“不同的声音”,以确保正确的应对气候变化的行动。气候是否在变暖？气候变冷说和气候不变论都是对气候变暖的质疑,科学界内部对气候变暖尚未形成完全一致的看法。气候稳定是否存在？人们试图实现的可能不是稳定的气候,而是人们所熟悉的气候。气候变化是自然的还是人为的？相对于自然界产生的二氧化碳等温室气体而言,人类产生的二氧化碳总量微不足道,把可能的气候变暖归咎于人类活动是武断的。人类活动总是消极的吗？只有将自然因素引起的气候变化与人类活动引起的气候变化进行对比研究,才能得出具有实质意义的结论。气候变暖一定是坏事吗？如果气候变化的收益远远超过损失,那么气候变化或许会是一件好事。是否一切负面问题都与气候变化有关？很多事件与全球气候变化趋势没有必然联系,气候变化与农业、公共健康和生物多样性没有直接关系。科学家、政治家和其他学者将各类负面事件归咎于气候变化,其原因很可能是为了实现气候寻租,谋取经济利益,争取国际发展权。神学家们特别关注气候变化问题,因为气候变化及其引发的危机使旧宗教与气候变化的新宗教结成了联盟,人们因排放温室气体而犯了“气候罪”,这是人类新的“原罪”。     

以伦理视角审视气候变化的意义

气候变化的本质是一个伦理问题。气候变化主要是由发达国家或者发展中国家的富裕人群引起的,但是受影响和伤害最大的却是世界上的弱势群体,气候变化对世界上一些欠发达地区的人们而言是一种潜在的风险和灾难,气候变化的全球性特征决定了必须将其作为一个伦理问题来理解。以伦理视角审视气候变化具有重大的意义,任何国家在减排方面都负有不可推卸的责任。伦理维度是应对气候变化的核心。     

Renewable energy,CO2 emissions and economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa: Does institutional quality matter?

Renewable energy appears to be the most optimal alternative to fossil fuel and the widely accepted pathway towards the mitigation of climate change. However, the costs of adopting renewable energy are high, and it appears the wealth of nations, the stages of economic development and growth and institutional willingness and quality are important in winning this global challenge. However, there is limited information on the interplay of all the factors that are perceived as critical in moving the world towards the use of renewable energy sources to meet most of the domestic and industrial energy needs. This study investigates the inter-temporal causal relationship between institutions, renewable energy, carbon emissions and economic growth for 45 sub-Saharan Africa countries using annual data for the period 1960–2017. We used the generalised method of moment panel vector autoregression (GMM-PVAR) technique to explore the linkages. From a general perspective, the results reveal that no causal relationship exists between institutions and economic growth, but a bidirectional causality exists between economic growth and renewable energy. Our results indicate that economic growth causes carbon emissions, and institutions are more likely to respond to carbon emissions and renewable energy but prompts no causality exists between carbon emissions and renewable energy. Interestingly, these results differ between countries with different institutional origin. The policy implications are discussed.     

Social work with middle‐class Spanish families: The challenge of the work–family conflict

In the current economic crisis, middle‐class families often find themselves immersed in a process of downward social mobility. These are families in which both spouses work, and where many relational conflicts begin in the sphere of work–family reconciliation and the allocation of household responsibilities. This article presents the results of a research study we conducted on middle‐class families in Spain. We focus specifically on the problems associated with work–family reconciliation and gender, and the mitigating role played by social support. Based on our results, we want to call the attention to a prevalent and ‘new’ conflict in family‐based practice social work in Spain: the work–family conflict.     

Climate change in Alaska: Social workers’ attitudes,beliefs, and experiences

The average temperature in Alaska and the North American Arctic has risen at twice the rate of the global average due to climate change, causing changes to the natural environment that affect the physical, social, and emotional well‐being of people and communities. Social workers must be prepared to respond. Using a non‐probability, convenience sample, this study surveyed 159 social workers in Alaska to assess their attitudes and their perceptions of the effects of climate change on their clients and constituents. Results indicate that social workers in Alaska believe that climate change is happening, that human activities are responsible, and that it is a large threat to people in Alaska. Over 75% believe that climate change is dangerous for their clients now or will be dangerous in 10 years. Social workers report that in the past year their clients or constituents have experienced multiple climate change‐related problems with community infrastructure, health, and mental health.     

“气候变化”问题剖析

西方国家所谓＂气候变化＂问题缺乏事实和科学依据,并不是科学定论,温室气体不能决定气候变化。西方发达国家炒作＂气候变化＂的目的是向发展中国家特别是中国挥舞大棒,确保其能源安全和世界霸权。气候变化问题已经从科学家间的争论发展成为国际政治博弈和经济竞争的焦点,有关气候变化的国际谈判变成对温室气体排放空间和发展权益的争夺。中国和其他发展中国家要认清气候变化问题的本质,从国情和发展阶段出发,处理好经济发展与保护环境的关系。     

生态文明与气候治理——第三届气候变化与公共政策国际学术会议综述

虽然国际社会对气候变化的科学认知还存在差异,但普遍认为人类活动对气候变化的影响绝对不容忽视,所有人均要承担相应的责任。第三次气候变化与公共政策国际学术会议围绕生态文明与气候治理这一主题展开,在科学认知全球气候变化与人类活动,理性思辨应对气候变化的伦理基础及实现路径,合理定位气候治理对策与气候变化应对机制,有效融合能源战略、生态环境与经济的管理对策等方面进行了深入探讨。     

人类命运共同体观念在全球化时代的意义

“人类命运共同体”的理念得到大量事实的支持:人类在同一个全球生态环境下生存,气候变化带来的各种自然灾害会影响地球上的所有国家;人类活动的全球化带来了更多的全球性问题,如难民问题、毒品走私、恐怖主义问题、传染性疾病等;全球化背景下人类命运的共同性更深刻地显示在经济的全球化上。在一个统一的世界经济中,各国经济一损俱损,一荣俱荣。当前的一些国际经济动态提醒,理论上的人类命运共同体与现实中对人类命运共同体的认知是有距离的。现实中,存在着阻碍人类命运共同体构想实现的诸多因素,如经济利益、安全利益、战略利益以及意识形态等。因此,要真正实现“人类命运共同体”的构想,仍然任重而道远。     

China's Approach to Dealing with Crisis and Change in Global Governance

The outbreak of the financial crisis in Europe and America in 2008 was a landmark event in the history of global governance. It showed that the international system and governance mechanism was unable to adapt to the new global situation or solve the new challenges and problems caused by the rapid development of globalization. Global governance needs to explore new ideas, new paths and new strategies. However, to advance the transformation and development of global governance, in-depth cooperation by the great powers is not all that is involved; also inevitable are the redistribution of international power, interests and responsibilities, contradictory global concepts and fierce competition among the great powers. The next five to ten years are a key period both for the transformation and development of global governance and for China's full-scale rise. The latter is not only a process of China's integration into the global governance system but also a process whereby China influences global governance reform. China should seize the opportunity of the global governance crisis and changes to promote benign interaction between China and the world and should become an advocate, designer, shaper and leader in the improvement of the global governance system, focusing on the construction of national governance, the governance of East Asia, global governance and the governance of certain advantageous fields. Its active assumption of the historic mission of the new era of globalization has laid a solid foundation for China to grow into a great major country.     

Neoliberal Knowledge: The Decline of Technocracy and the Weakening of the Montreal Protocol*

Objective. The turn to participatory, stakeholder modes of governance has been accompanied by the legitimization of a new “particularist knowledge regime” emphasizing the knowledge claims made by private interests and local voices. It has also tended to de‐legitimize the ways of knowing that had characterized central state governance, namely, state expertise based on general welfare analytics such as cost‐benefit analysis. This turn away from state expertise, what we call the “anti‐technocratic consensus,” while stemming from democratic motivations, may actually make environmental governance less democratic. Method. We examine the problems that arise from the abandonment of general welfare economic analytics and technical expertise—the anti‐technocratic consensus—through a specific case study: the recent handling of “critical use exemptions” to the ban on methyl bromide under the Montreal Protocol, a treaty that mandates the elimination of methyl bromide in order to protect the ozone layer. We show that decisionmakers specifically rejected general welfare analytics as a basis of regulatory action in favor of a particularist form of analytics based on measuring market disruption. Results. This case illustrate how the de‐legitimization of technical expertise can weaken the effectiveness of an environmental agreement in meeting its regulatory mandate. Critics have often criticized technical expertise as supporting the economic status quo. However, in the case of methyl bromide and the Montreal Protocol, technical experts using general welfare analytics represented a challenge to U.S. regulatory officials who supported industrial interests and their request for significant exemptions to the ban. Conclusion. The legitimization of a particularist knowledge regime opens up policy making to domination by private interests playing the stakeholder game. Stakeholder input and particularist knowledges are important to democratic decision making. However, technical expertise, despite all its weaknesses, is a form of knowledge that remains necessary to the protection of the environment and public health.     

The retrenchment of second‐tier pensions in Hungary and Poland: A precautionary tale

In 1997, Hungary and Poland led Central Europe in partially privatizing their national pension systems, diverting a portion of public pension contributions to privately‐managed individual investment accounts. In the aftermath of the global economic crisis, both governments retrenched these second‐tier schemes: Hungary (December 2010), by ceasing to fund the accounts and recouping most workers' existing balances; and Poland (April 2011), by reducing the diversion of contributions to the second tier. The factors that drove these retrenchments are traced to the original 1997 second‐tier designs, which omitted key specifications related to financing the accounts, private benefit design, and the regulation of private management fees. While both governments tried to compensate for the missing design specifications during implementation, the results were limited. By reducing investment returns and raising borrowing costs, the global economic crisis brought the problems to a head. The conclusion highlights some outstanding issues whose resolution will shape the retrenchments' long‐term impacts.     

基于碳资本存量的碳排放权分配方案（英文）

为应对气候变化,全球学者提出了基于现期排放量及历史排放量的不同减排方案,但由于其难以调和发达国家和发展中国家的利益,所以不能得到普遍认可。本文提出了碳资本存量的概念,认为碳资本存量对各国当代人生活质量有很大的影响,因而它可以度量包括发达国家在内的各国应承担的历史排放责任。本文根据前人研究成果及相关数据,计算了目前中美日三国水泥、钢、铜、铝的社会蓄积量,研究设定了上述物质的碳排放系数,并在此基础上计算出中美日三国当前物质存量所内涵的碳资本量。结果表明,虽然目前中国碳资本总量已经超过美国和日本,但美日两国人均碳资本是中国的3倍。因此,发达国家承担本国历史温室气体排放责任有其坚实的物质基础,发达国家民众承担本国历史温室气体排放也有其清晰的责任链条。本文提出全球碳减排方案的设计应包括两类账户,一是基于各国人均碳资本差异的考虑历史责任的公正账户,二是基于目前各国人口数量的考虑当期公平的平等账户。本方案的优点在于有清晰的理论依据,可平衡发达国家及发展中国家的利益,并促进全球技术合作与转移,共同应对气候变化。     

生态学马克思主义视域下的气候危机根源性分析

基于生态学马克思主义视角来研究与分析气候危机可以拓宽其研究路向。虽然许多人长期对生态学马克思主义抱有敌视的态度,但只有生态学马克思主义才能够探寻到导致气候危机的真正肇因：资本主义生产方式和资本主义社会伦理。生态学马克思主义正是围绕这两大进路展开批判：对资本主义生产方式和资本逻辑的批判以否定其解决气候危机的能力,对资本主义消费文化观和宗教伦理的批判以澄明其反生态和伪正义的本质。可以说,生态学马克思主义的分析视角为正确认识和解决气候危机提供了全新的思维范式和理论支持。