湖南维回(回维)民族乡经济社会发展的调查与思考

<正>湖南维吾尔族是一个特殊的少数民族,全国除新疆外,只有湖南有聚居的维吾尔族,因此这里也素有"维吾尔族的第二故乡"之称。湖南有维吾尔族约12000多人,主要集中在常德市的桃源县、汉寿县、鼎城区、澧县、津市等地。上世纪80年代中期经有关部门批准,先后成立了桃源县枫树维吾尔族     

新疆毯:大漠绿洲间的瑰宝——少数民族特需商品传统生产工艺和技术保护工程巡礼之二

北京师范大学经济与资源管理研究院派出的项目组,在2008年8～9月份对新疆毯(本文主要介绍的是维吾尔族毯)进行实地调研,搜集和整理了有关新疆毯的图片和文字材料。项目组走访乌鲁木齐市、和田市、洛浦县、伊宁市等地,发现新疆毯是维吾尔族家庭必需的生活用品和装饰品,每家每户都有色彩斑斓的挂毯和地毯。     

“芙蓉国”里的维吾尔族

众所周知,维吾尔族人的故乡在新疆。但你可曾知道,在被称为“芙蓉国”的湖南省桃源县境内,还居住着五千多维吾尔族同胞。他们是怎样远离新疆定居到湖南来的呢?那是距今六百多年前,明朝洪武五年(1372年),常德、湘西一带的土司与外来势力勾结在一起,进行叛乱。明太祖朱元璋颁诏,派新疆维吾尔族     

三个离不开

2010年5月的一天,北京市怀柔区红螺寺中学内地新疆高中班的同学们开了一次座谈会。这些少数民族学子用自己的亲身经历和体验,畅谈了对三个离不开的理解。吾提库尔同学说,我是维吾尔族,家乡在新疆伊宁县。伊宁是一个多民族聚居的地区,小时候,     

图尔逊 当好各族同胞沟通的桥梁

2002年,维吾尔族青年图尔逊从中央民族大学毕业后到重庆工作。作为一名从新疆到内地民族部门工作的少数民族干部,图尔逊克服了汉语使用不熟练、饮食习惯不适应、照顾父母不方便等困难,经常深入少数民族流动经商人员中间宣传民族政策和法律法规,帮助他们增强遵纪守法意识和城市管理观念,同时还热心帮助他们解决子女上学、看病就医、法律援助等实际困难,受到各族群众的好评。     

维吾尔族学生在汉语社区的意义建构及文化融入策略研究

本研究采用质性研究方法,选取9名维吾尔族大学生进行深度访谈、田野观察及实物资料收集,采用解释现象学及扎根理论方法,对内地新疆籍维吾尔族大学生在汉语社区社会化过程中之意义建构与文化融入策略进行研究。结果表明：（1）面对生活喜好差异及社区环境差异,维吾尔族大学生生成了高比重正向意义构建,分别采取部分融入及完全融入的文化适应策略;（2）维吾尔族大学生在生活喜好及社区环境差异生成的意义构建,与情感态度差异生成的意义构建交互,影响甚至决定维吾尔族大学生的文化适应速度及走向。文章最后以跟踪采访数据展现维吾尔族学生在饮食观及语言观影响下文化适应的心理动态。     

新疆维吾尔族的传统商业贸易

新疆维吾尔族是一个具有浓厚重商传统的民族。维吾尔族的传统商业贸易行为有其自身的特点和成因,既与新疆特殊的地理位置有重要关系,又与维吾尔族特殊经济结构、民风民俗和宗教信仰关系密切,同时受到国家商业政策的影响。对这些问题的探讨,有利于我们正确认识维吾尔族传统的商业发展史,益于探索维吾尔族现代商业的发展模式。     

内地中学新疆班

借鉴成功举办西藏班的经验,2000年1月,为贯彻落实中共中央和国务院有关精神,教育部制定了《关于内地有关城市开办新疆高中班的实施意见》,作出了在北京、上海、天津、南京、杭州、广州、深圳、大连、青岛、宁波、苏州、无锡等城市开办内地新疆高中班的决定,为新疆各族人民培养青年学子。     

解构主义视角:维吾尔族概念的历史性建构

采用解构主义理论框架,梳理历史资料和国内外关于新疆的文献资料,不难发现维吾尔族的概念本身是流动性的,是被历史建构的。维吾尔族实际上是维吾尔与民族的概念叠加,因此讨论维吾尔族的概念时需要意识到两个基础层面:民族的概念与维吾尔的概念。民族是在现代民族国家形成过程中产生的,所以"维吾尔族"这一概念的建构与民族国家的形成息息相关。而"维吾尔"这一词语可以追溯到古代的突厥部落,但古代的维吾尔并不具备任何民族认同,那时的维吾尔具备的应是部落或地域的认同。     

照亮人心的月亮——新疆《十二木卡姆》

“木卡姆”是一种集歌、舞、乐于一体的综合艺术形式,被称为“维吾尔歌舞之母”,广泛流传于新疆各地的维吾尔族聚居区。作为产生于绿洲民族中的一种音乐现象,新疆木卡姆结构庞大,流传时间长,形态丰富,被联合国教科文组织批准为“人类口头与非物质文化遗产代表作”。     

麻扎与维吾尔族妇女--从麻扎朝拜谈维吾尔族妇女的生育观

维吾尔族为中国新疆维吾尔自治区的主体民族 ,人口九百多万。向麻扎圣人求子是维吾尔族农村妇女中常见的信仰行为。本文认为这种求子习俗在维吾尔族中经历了较长的演变过程。维吾尔族的生育观从对生育神乌玛伊的崇拜到现在专司生育的麻扎的出现 ,经历了漫长而复杂的发展道路     

宁夏南部山区回族家族堂号特点探析

今宁夏南部山区回族中的部分家族堂号,与其他民族及居于东南地区的回族相比,存在历史上溯期短、极少悬挂于门厅等特点。在家族堂号发展式微的今天,宁夏南部山区回族仍强调家族堂号,这与家族堂号在回族间承担着承载历史、标记家族、指导婚姻等重要文化与社会功能有关。     

维吾尔语汉语借词新探

维吾尔族人民自古以来就和汉族人民或密切往来,或杂居一处,在长期的语言接触和文化交流过程中借入了大量汉语词语,使汉语借词在维吾尔语词汇中占据了一定的地位。本文通过大量翔实可靠的语言事实,论述了汉语借词进入维吾尔语的历史过程、汉语借词的特点和发展状况以及在使用过程中出现的问题。     

清代新疆汉民族移民社区的信仰和日常生活

本文主要考察清代内地汉民族迁移新疆后的民间信仰和日常活动的保持及其变异,以期描绘、复原移民社区生活的生动图景。     

清末民国时期新疆民族人口与分布格局

文章认为构成清末民国时期新疆社会的最基本要素是人口和民族.这一时期的民族关系因社会的变化而变化,人口变动、分布状况无不影响着民族关系,原住民、难民、殖民、移民构成清末民国时期新疆民族空间分布格局.     

民国时期天山北麓东路城市多民族居民生活的变化

Although the Republican era of China did not last very long, it was a significant period in which China transformed from an agricul-tural to an industrial era, and from a traditional so-ciety to a modern one. During this period, not only did the politics and economics change dramatical-ly, but also the lives of urban residents. Although Xinjiang is located in the western frontier area of inland China, since the Qing dynasty, its politi-cal, economic and cultural connections with inland China gradually increased. Xinjiang is not an iso-lated region, it actually is located in the central ar-ea of Asia. So, its openness is very pronounced. Even though during the Republican era, inland China was gripped in the chaos of war, Xinjiang’s political, economic and cultural connections with the inland were never broken. Although sometimes the central government’s control in Xinjiang was not so strong, the central government’s policies had always impacted strongly on Xinjiang. In addition, due to the continuous migration of the inland popu-lation ( especially intellectuals, and political and military people) into urban areas, such as Dihua in Xinjiang during the Republic era of China, the politics, economics and culture of inland China had a big impact on the lives of Xinjiang urban res-idents. Moreover, Xijiang is neighbors with Rus-sia. Since the middle of the 19th century, Russia, whose industrialization and modernization occurred earlier and faster than China’s, often made political and military invasions, as well as cultural infiltra-tion, into Xinjiang. After the founding of the Sovi-et Union, its influence on the cities of Xijiang gradually increased. Especially during the period when Sheng Shicai managed Xinjiang, the influ-ence of the Soviet Union on Xinjiang was the stron-gest. In addition to political influence, economic and cultural influences became more pronounced, and numerous industrial and cultural products made in the Soviet Union were imported into Xin-jiang. This had a dramatic impact on the urban residents of Xinjiang. As a political, economic and cultural center of Xinjiang, Dihua was alive with many Russians who engaged in political, economic and cultural activities. Hence, their direct or indi-rect influence on the lives of Dihua residents was stronger than in other cities. At present, the research on Xinjiang during the Republican era of China mainly focuses on the political and economic domains , and less attention is paid to its urban life. However, the changes of modernization are not only reflected in the aspects of politics and economics, but also in the field of social life. Hence, to strengthen the research on the changes in social life in urban areas of Xinjiang during the Republican era of China is significant. The Republican era of China was an important pe-riod for Xinjiang society. Although if we compare it with the urban areas along the eastern coastal ar-ea of China, the impact of western culture on the lives of urban residents in Xinjiang during this pe-riod was not so strong, and the changes in social life also reflected multi - ethnic characteristics. The changes in urban life in Xinjiang were also an important part of the changes following China’s modernization. It reflected a both generalization and a diversity of the urban changes created by China’s modernization. In addition, one should note the impact of the changes in Xinjiang’s urban life during the Republican era on that of Xinjiang during the latter half of the 20th century. Thus, it is very necessary to conduct a research on the lives of Xinjiang’s urban residents during the Republican era of China. Xinjiang has been a multi-ethnic area since ancient times, a fact which contributes the ethnic diversity that characterizes the social life of Xin-jiang cities. During the Republican era, the mate-rial life of the various ethnic groups living in Xinjiang’s cities changed successively due to the impact of external cultures, and the wave of mod-ernization. However the changes to the material lives of the various ethnic groups were different. The content of material life is very broad. General-ly speaking, it comprises people’s daily life, inclu-ding clothing, food, shelter and transportation, all of which are regarded as basic essentials for peo-ple. In a period of scarcity of goods and materials, material life became the most important thing for most of the public. Hence, changes with regard to material life, to a large extent, is reflected in the changes in the social lives of urban residents. Generally speaking, compared with the situa-tion in the Qing dynasty, the clothing in Xinjiang cities such as Dihua exhibited a big change. How-ever , this change displayed multi-ethnic and diver-sified characteristics. Concerning the food culture of Dihua urban residents during the Republican era of China, it reflected more open, inclusive and mutually influential features. In other words, the existence of a diversified food culture and diverse development was an important characteristic of the time. Concerning shelter during this period, a big change in Dihua’s urban style was that some mod-ern buildings co-appeared alongside traditional style buildings, no matter whether it was in the pri-vate space or public space. Moreover, the trans-portation mechanisms also changed during this pe-riod. Roads for cars appeared in Dihua, which opened the gate for Xinjiang’s automobile age. During the Republican era of China, most ur-ban residents in Xijiang’s cities, such as Dihua, kept their traditional customs. However, there were also some changes due to the influence of ex-ternal cultures—these changes were presented as the characteristics of pluralism, diversity and a mixture of the old and new. Multiple ethnic groups concentrated in an area in the eastern zone line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan. During the process of history, the different ethnic groups formed their own cultures and religious beliefs. In the Republican era of China, the various ethnic groups lived in harmony most of time, and the plu-ralism and inclusiveness of cultures gradually in-creased. Generally speaking, the lives and cus-toms of the Han in Xinjiang cities, such as Dihua during the Republican era of China, were almost same as those of the Han in inland China. On one hand, they kept many of their traditional customs;yet, on the other hand, they also gradually accept-ed some new ones from external cultures. The eth-nic minorities, such as the Uygur and Hui, were deeply influenced by Islamic religious culture. Their religious cultural life exhibited almost no change during the Republican era of China, and they, for the most part, maintained their tradi-tions. During this period, in keeping with the gradual consciousness of ethnic equality, although various ethnic groups kept their own traditions, and they did not reject each others’ traditions, and instead, there was some mutual exchanges among them. This made the urban culture more diversi-fied . Not only were the festivals of the Uyghur pop-ular among themselves, the Han were also invited to participate in them. Moreover, the Han’s festi-vals, especially the Spring Festival, Lantern Festi-val and others, were also gradually accepted by other ethnic groups, and, for example, the Uy-ghur, Hui, Mongolian and Kazakhs, and others all participated in these festivals. In the middle and latter period of the Republican era, the urban cul-ture of Xinjiang exhibited a sense of openness. Within the basis of maintaining their own ethnic cultural traditions, each ethnic group showed an opened attitude to new cultures, and, hence, ur-ban culture became more diversified and rich. During the time when agriculture was more dominant , traditional cities lacked of public cultur-al spaces. Hence, Buddhist monasteries, Taoist temples and mosques became the sites for organi-zing public cultural activities in the urban areas. Since modern times, the public cultural spaces in urban areas have experienced a great change. Parks, as a new mode of public space, began to appear successively in some important cities. At the end of the Republican era of China, the public cultural space of Dihua had been further expand-ed. In 1948, there were four such kind of public cultural sites in Dihua, such as Zhongshan Park, Hongyan Lake, Shuimo River, and Wulabai. In addition to these, the cinema also played a very important role in the new entertainment life of the urban residents of Dihua. In 1944, Dihua had three movie theaters which were run respectively by the government, a businessman and a Russian. Movies had a very direct impact on the residents’ vision and mind, especially on the youth. A new movie sometimes would change some people’s view of life or the rules of their behavior. In short, the Republican era was a dramatic period of change during which China transformed from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial one. Following the changes in politics, economics and culture, people’s material life and cultural life were also changed. Due to the vast territory, and uneven political and economic devel-opment of China, the changes differed in various regions. Xinjiang is a frontier area in western Chi-na. Its communication with the outside world was not so convenient. Hence, compared with the east-ern coastal region, the degree of change in Xin-jiang was lower, and the speed of change was also relatively slower. However, this kind of change ac-cumulated over several decades, so, with time, the changes also became very noticeable. Howev-er , due to the uneven regional development in Xin-jiang, the changes in some cities were slow while in some they were fast. Compared with other places of Xinjiang, the changes along the eastern line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan, and taking Dihua as the center, were faster and more obvious in the Republican era. On one hand, Di-hua was more strongly influenced by the politics, economics and culture of inland China; and, on the other hand, Dihua was also influenced more di-rectly by the politics, economics and culture of the Soviet Union With the combined role played by the both sources, the material life of the urban resi-dents of Dihua, including clothing, food, shelter and transportation, as well as the customs, and cultural entertainments, changed dramatically. This change was not only similar to that of inland cities, but it also reflected regional characteristics of Xinjiang—the characteristics of ethnicity and di-versity wee more pronounced. In addition, com-pared with Tibet which is also in the western fron-tier of China, the changes brought by the urban modernization in Xinjiang was more dramatic. This was directly connected with Xinjiang’s geographical location, natural climatic conditions, as well as its political, economic and cultural development. Al-though Xinjiang lies in the western frontier of Chi-na, its transportation connections with inland Chi-na and the outside world were more convenient than those in Tibet. During the Republican era, the railways, highways and aviation routes devel-oped relatively well, the Xinjiang’s economic, and cultural connections with both inland China and the Soviet Union were also relatively close. In addi-tion, an important natural condition which also created good conditions for the opening up of Xin-jiang is that the elevation of most areas of Xinjiang is not high—the average elevation is around 1000 meters. Hence, the natural geographical conditions promoted a population flow between Xinjiang and inland China, as well as between Xinjiang and the Soviet Union. Moreover, after the settling of Xin-jiang province at the end of the Qing dynasty, the feeldings and unity with inland China were ensured from an institutional aspect. It was just under such kind of background that the lives of the urban resi-dents living in the eastern zone of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan experienced a dramatic change, and presented a characteristic of ethnic diversity, pluralism and mixture of old and new.     

蒙古篾儿乞部族源考述

中国古代北方民族,迄唐、宋为止,东胡系与突厥系居地接壤,交错分布,因此杂居、融合是常见的历史现象,尤其是东胡系民族走出兴安岭向西迁徙,成为我国北方民族历史上具有规律性重复性的一个历史景观。但是,关于通古斯系民族,按传统看法,由于有一个南北绵延数千里的天然屏障兴安岭的横亘,它除了与南面的中原王朝和东邻的高丽王朝交往甚多以外,与其西部的大漠南北草原部族,则大有“老死不相往来”之相。事实上,通古斯系民族向西迁徙也是很常见的历史事实。本文认为辽金时期迄13世纪初,在蒙古草原活跃的著名的篾儿乞部人在族源上应包含有众多的西迁人之后裔。     

塔什库尔干塔吉克族语言使用与语言态度调查

新疆塔什库尔干县的塔吉克族较好地保持了本民族语言.随着交通、通讯、广播电视和教育等事业的发展,塔吉克人的语库逐渐扩大,很多人成为双语人或多语人,在县城及周边地区,兼通塔吉克语、维吾尔语和汉语的塔吉克人正变得越来越多.塔吉克族对本族语积极的语言态度有助于塔吉克语的继续保持,而其对汉语的高度认同将成为促进汉语教学进一步发展的有利因素.     

匈奴人南下入塞原因考

两汉时期匈奴确曾"寇盗"过中原边郡,其主要目的是为获取农业、手工业产品以补充其生活生产所必须.他们之所以南下入塞,有时亦为展示武力,以迫使中原拿出更多的产品.史实反复雄辩地证明,中原对匈奴地区的畜牧、狩猎产品、匈奴对于中原地区的农业和手工业产品,需求都非常强烈.无比坚韧的经济纽带维系着历史上中华大家庭中各兄弟民族的紧密联系,也是中华民族形成的重要基础之一.共处同一祖国大家庭的兄弟民族虽曾有过矛盾和冲突,却不是真正意义上的"敌人",而是互为依赖不可分离的同胞手足.     

清代藏新蒙边疆城市发展滞后原因探析

清代中国内陆边疆西藏、新疆、蒙古地区城市出现较快发展,但相比内地的城市发展仍然滞后和缓慢。脆弱的自然地理环境、频发的自然灾害、社会动乱与内外战争、落后的经济基础、人口、思想观念等都是造成藏、新、蒙边疆城市发展滞后和缓慢的原因。当前,制约内陆边疆地区城市发展的各种因素已经发生了较大的改变,部分因素却仍然存在,成为今天制约藏、新、蒙内陆边疆地区城市化的因素,因而从历史的角度进行深入探析有着重要的现实意义。