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1.
Objective. This article uses social movement theory to explain variation in local support for proposed constitutional amendments to ban same‐sex marriage in 22 states during 2004 and 2006. Methods. The analysis uses OLS regression with county‐level data to explain variation in local support for the amendments. Results. Support for the amendments in both years was positively related to the proportion of a county that was evangelical or Republican, but negatively related to its level of education and proportion of Catholics. Amendment support was positively related in only one year to the percentage of a county's population that was professional, young, black, in female‐headed households, and Mormon. Amendment support was negatively related to the concentration of gay organizations in 2006, but positively related to the presence of mega‐churches in 2006. Conclusions. Community characteristics have a substantial effect on levels of support for same‐sex marriage bans, thus reinforcing the utility of cultural explanations of policy decisions.  相似文献   

2.
Objective. This study illustrates the ways religiosity and denominational affiliation influence the probability that a young woman will have an abortion. Methods. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), measures of sexual behavior, out‐of‐wedlock pregnancy, and out‐of‐wedlock pregnancy resolution are regressed on religiosity and denominational affiliation. Results. Religiosity indirectly reduces the likelihood that a woman will have an abortion by reducing the probability that she will have an out‐of‐wedlock pregnancy. Among women who conceive out of wedlock, religiosity increases the likelihood of marriage before birth, and thereby reduces the probability of abortion. However, among women who conceive out of wedlock and do not marry before birth, religiosity is unrelated to the probability of having an abortion. Conclusions. Religiosity affects the probability that a woman will obtain an abortion more through its influence on choices about sex and marriage, and less through its influence on attitudes about abortion.  相似文献   

3.
Objective. The goal of this article is to analyze the relationship between religion, measured in terms of religious affiliation and religiosity, and public opinion about same‐sex marriage, civil unions, and a federal constitutional amendment that would prohibit gay marriage. Methods. We use logistic regression with calculated standardized coefficients to analyze data from a nationally representative survey of 1,610 respondents conducted in March–April 2004. Results. Religious variables perform better than demographic measures in models of attitudes about same‐sex unions. Non‐Protestants are much more likely to support same‐sex unions than are Protestants, and individuals with conservative attitudes toward morality and secularism and (to a lesser extent) those who participate actively in religious life are more likely to oppose such unions. On the whole, religious variables play a weaker role in predicting support for a constitutional amendment to prevent gay marriage than they do in predicting attitudes toward same‐sex unions. Conclusions. Religious variables play powerful roles in structuring attitudes about same‐sex unions. Moreover, homosexuality appears to be a major component of the “moral values” discourse that is currently so popular in American politics.  相似文献   

4.
Objective. This article determines if the use of Spanish‐language media among Latinos influences public opinion on various policy issues and group consciousness. Methods. Using a 2004 national public opinion survey of U.S. Latinos, a multivariate analysis is run to determine the effect of language media preference on immigration policy, abortion, same‐sex marriage, and three measures of group consciousness. Results. I find more frequent use of Spanish‐language media leads to more liberal attitudes toward immigration, but has no effect on opinions toward abortion and same‐sex marriage. I also find increased use of Spanish‐language media leads to increased levels of group consciousness. Conclusions. The differences in attitudes are due to the diverging goals of Spanish‐language and English‐language media. The effect of using Spanish‐language media serves to promote a sense of group consciousness among Latinos by reinforcing roots in Latin America and the commonalities among Latinos of varying national origin.  相似文献   

5.
Objective. The objective of this article is to examine the trend in attitudes toward gay marriage through the analysis of data from the General Social Survey. Methods. Using linear decomposition techniques, I explain the change in attitudes toward gay marriage from 1988 to 2006. Results. Attitudes significantly liberalized over time; 71 percent opposed gay marriage in 1988, but by 2006, this figure dropped to 52 percent. Approximately two-thirds of this change was due to an intracohort change effect, or individuals' modifying their views over time, and one-third was due to a cohort succession effect, or later cohorts replacing earlier ones. This pattern was replicated across many subgroups of the U.S. public, including age, sex, residential, educational, and religious groups. Conclusion. The results suggest that the use of the “equality/tolerance” framing of gay marriage by its supporters and other societal events or “moments” may have convinced some people who used to disapprove of gay marriage in 1988 to approve of it by 2006.  相似文献   

6.
This commentary responds to Celia Kitzinger and Sue Wilkinson's argument for the use of human rights discourse rather than a discourse of mental health when arguing for the legalization of same-sex marriage. Without disagreeing with their basic argument, I "problematize" it, showing that legal and human rights discourses also have a history of reinforcing power dynamics and operating to the disadvantage of marginalized groups such as lesbians and gay men. First, equality rights discourse can force lesbians and gay men into a conservative mode of argument, for instance, having to show how similar they are to traditionalist opposite-sex couples, rather than emphasizing potentially significant differences. Second, the increasing use of rights discourse has arguably narrowed the scope of the lesbian/gay social movement and rendered its political strategies more conservative, rather than aiming for the elimination of heterosexism and patriarchy. Third, the focus on marriage as a human right tends to render invisible, and to reinscribe, the extent to which marriage as a socio-legal institution has operated in oppressive ways. Modern marriage is not innocent of oppression, tied as it is to the increasing privatization of social and economic responsibilities. While human rights discourse offers an important avenue for lesbians and gay men, the perils of its use should not be overlooked.  相似文献   

7.
魏伟  蔡思庆 《社会》2012,32(6):57-85
这些年来,李银河提交同性婚姻提案的努力,将同性恋伴侣关系和家庭生活引入了公众视野,但国内学术研究对此尚无涉及。基于对成都“同志”社区的实地研究,本文详细考察了男同性恋伴侣关系和家庭生活的具体实践、追求平等关系、反思现有婚姻制度,以及争取社会承认的努力。研究强调中国社会中的同性之间的亲密关系正在转型,同性恋伴侣关系开始挣脱占据主导地位的异性恋亲属体系,成为一种可供选择的家庭生活模式。同时,借鉴西方近期关于“酷儿”家庭的理论和实践,文章讨论了同性恋伴侣关系对于主流社会和亲属制度的启示,呼吁在制度上给予这样的“草根”实践以更多的承认。  相似文献   

8.
Objective. We examine racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and test whether the emerging black‐white gap is a function of religiosity. We explore how religious factors play a crucial role in racial differences, and how secular factors have varying effects on attitudes for whites and African Americans. Methods. Using data from the General Social Surveys, we estimate ordinal logistic regression models and stacked structural equation models. Results. We show that the racial divide is a function of African Americans' ties to sectarian Protestant religious denominations and high rates of church attendance. We also show racial differences in the influence of education and political values on opposition to same sex marriage. Conclusions. Religious factors are a source of racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and secular influences play less of a role in structuring African Americans' beliefs about same‐sex marriage.  相似文献   

9.
Objectives. Just after three in four Arkansas voters endorsed a state constitutional amendment barring state recognition of same‐sex marriages, a comprehensive state‐level survey allowed a closer look into the attitudes of Arkansans on a variety of gay‐ and lesbian‐related issues. When placed in the context of Arkansas's political culture and ideological patters, this serves as a case study of the relationship between public opinion, specific policy issues, and the diffusion (or nondiffusion) of policies in an individual state. Methods. The 2005 Arkansas Poll included a battery of questions gauging citizens' attitudes on gay/lesbian individuals and the morality of same‐sex relations, same‐sex partner recognition, bans on gay adoption and foster parenting, bans on gays openly serving in the U.S. military, and expansion of civil rights laws to bar discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, among other policies. This article reports those survey results and employs regression/logistic analysis in analyzing them. Results. The results reveal that while Arkansans are uncomfortable with homosexuality, they are surprisingly hesitant to prescribe state‐sanctioned discrimination. Conclusions. This tightrope between libertarianism and angst about homosexuality that resulted in policy nondiffusion until three years after the data reported here is reflective of the state's political culture, which combines traditionalistic and individualistic elements.  相似文献   

10.
This content analytic study investigated the approaches of two mainstream newspapers—The New York Times and the Chicago Tribune—to cover the gay marriage issue. The study used the Massachusetts legitimization of gay marriage as a dividing point to look at what kinds of specific political or social topics related to gay marriage were highlighted in the news media. The study examined how news sources were framed in the coverage of gay marriage, based upon the newspapers’ perspectives and ideologies. The results indicated that The New York Times was inclined to emphasize the topic of human equality related to the legitimization of gay marriage. After the legitimization, The New York Times became an activist for gay marriage. Alternatively, the Chicago Tribune highlighted the importance of human morality associated with the gay marriage debate. The perspective of the Chicago Tribune was not dramatically influenced by the legitimization. It reported on gay marriage in terms of defending American traditions and family values both before and after the gay marriage legitimization.  相似文献   

11.
This study examined how various living environments (child‐headed households, orphanages, street children and foster homes), quality of care and demographic factors were associated with the psychosocial well‐being of orphans in Rwanda by using a sample of 430 participants. Results indicated that children in orphanages exhibited higher levels of emotional well‐being and lower levels of mental distress and risk‐taking behaviour than others. Decision‐making ability was the highest among child‐headed households, while it was the lowest among those in orphanages. Quality of care, such as meal availability and length of time spent in a particular living environment, along with demographic factors, such as age and sex, were also important predictors of psychosocial well‐being.  相似文献   

12.
In 2017 the Australian Government undertook a national survey to determine public support for the legalisation of same‐sex marriage. This raised concerns the ‘plebiscitary' act may create harms to two groups: LGBTI people and those religious people with strong attachment to heteronormative marriage. Justifying the process, the Government advanced the possibility of civil dialogue generative of understanding. While instances of hate speech in public spaces were reported, this paper examines comparatively private speech during the period. Based on an analysis of posts to relevant Facebook pages, this analysis found opponents to same‐sex marriage were more highly mobilised online, and considerable differences in the character of online debate for and against the proposed changes. Importantly, while uncivil and ‘hate' speech were part of online conversations, the overall quantum of this uncivil discourse was lower than many feared. Additionally, the process did not generate considerable democratic dialogue around policy alternatives and rationales, particularly among ‘Yes' campaign supporters who were more homogenous in their acceptance of dominant campaign framing of the issue than their opponents. Significantly for ongoing public debates about public values like educational access and freedom of expression, opponents to change focused their arguments against same‐sex marriage around a subset of unrelated issues: free speech, religious freedoms, and diversity in public schools.  相似文献   

13.
There is an increasing number of self‐identified gay fathers or “out” gay men who have chosen to parent through such alternative means as adoption and surrogacy. In spite of their growing numbers, there has been little research on the experiences of gay fathers. Three self‐identified gay fathers volunteered to participate in the current study. The semi‐structured interviews focused on four areas: decision to parent, experience of fatherhood, relationships with children, and the coming‐out process. Participants were Caucasian, ranged in age from the mid‐30s to early 50s, and had either one or two children. Their children were either Caucasian or biracial and ranged in age from early infancy to seven years. Both single and partnered fathers were represented in the sample as was parenting through adoption and through surrogacy. The themes that emerged from the interviews are described below.  相似文献   

14.
Objective. This study uses tract‐level demographic data and toxicity‐weighted air pollutant concentration estimates for the continental United States to determine whether (1) single‐mother families are overrepresented in environmentally hazardous Census tracts and (2) the percentage of single‐mother families in a Census tract is a significant predictor of tract‐level toxic concentration estimates. Methods. After calculating tract‐level toxic concentration estimates for the average female‐headed family, male‐headed family, and married‐couple family with and without children, we use fixed‐effects regression models to determine whether the percentage of single‐mother families in a tract is a significant predictor of tract‐level toxic concentration estimates. Results. Single‐mother families are overrepresented in environmentally hazardous Census tracts, and the percentage of single‐mother families in a tract remains a significant predictor of estimated toxic concentration levels even after controlling for many of the most commonly used variables in the literature. Conclusion. Environmental inequality researchers need to broaden their focus beyond race and income to include groups such as single‐mother families in their research.  相似文献   

15.
We evaluated two hypotheses proposed to account for sex differences in preadolescents’ insecure attachment strategies (more avoidant for boys, more preoccupied for girls). The first hypothesis, rooted in life history theory, is that the sex differences develop among children who experience adverse environmental conditions (e.g., harsh parenting). The second hypothesis, grounded in gender self‐socialization theory, is that the sex differences develop among children who identify confidently with their gender collective. Data from an ethnically/racially diverse sample (443 girls, 420 boys; M age = 11.1 years) supported the second hypothesis: Sex differences were evident mainly among children who felt gender‐typical, were content with their gender, or felt pressure to avoid cross‐sex behavior. Further, sex differences were generally smaller rather than larger among children experiencing adverse environments.  相似文献   

16.
In this study, we propose a group‐based trajectory analysis to examine why and how people fall into and out of poverty despite spiralling public expenditure on anti‐poverty policies. By analyzing the poverty experiences of 1,001 low‐income households between 1999 and 2008 in Korea, we identify five groups based on their poverty trajectories: exiting, declining, slowly rising, rapidly rising and chronic. Household members in each group demonstrate heterogeneous labour market experiences, educational levels and demographic factors. The exiting group has a high proportion of full‐time workers, high school graduates, and younger and male‐headed households, whereas the chronic group has more part‐time workers, high school dropouts, and older and female‐headed households. Among the declining, slowly rising and rapidly rising groups, educational background, age and sex are factors that differentiate the poverty dynamics of household members. Lastly, a number of social policies for helping low‐income households to leave and stay out of poverty are proposed.  相似文献   

17.
China's bare branches, the Chinese name for surplus men, have attracted much attention, yet few studies have focused on the increasing phenomenon of bare‐branch villages. In this literature review, the formation of bare‐branch villages, the impact of such villages on individual bare branches and their families, and potential threats to villages and families are analyzed. It was found that the sex ratio and female marriage migration to prosperous areas are the two main determinants of the formation of bare‐branch villages. Individual bare branches in such villages are affected both physically and psychologically and are isolated in social activities. Their families and villages suffer in many ways. Bare branches may accelerate the spread of sexually transmitted diseases and increase the incidence of criminal behavior and violence. Even worse, because bare branches in a village share many bonds, they may take collective actions that can endanger China's social stability.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

This article offers a new perspective on what it meant to be a business proprietor in Victorian Britain. Based on individual census records, it provides an overview of the full population of female business proprietors in England and Wales between 1851 and 1911. These census data show that around 30% of the total business population was female, a considerably higher estimate than the current literature suggests. Female entrepreneurship was not a uniform experience. Certain demographics clustered in specific trades and within those sectors employers and own-account proprietors had strikingly different age, marital status and household profiles. A woman’s life cycle event such as marriage, motherhood and widowhood played an important role in her decision whether to work, the work available to her and the entrepreneurial choices she could make. While marriage and motherhood removed women from the labour force, they had less of an effect on their levels of entrepreneurship. Women who had young children were more entrepreneurial than those who had none, and entrepreneurship rates rose with the arrival of one child and continued to rise the more children were added to the family.  相似文献   

19.
20.
Objectives. This article examines how social status rewards can affect social welfare outcomes in the presence of positive and negative externalities. Method. A rational choice approach is used to characterize how individuals respond to incentives to seek high status (and avoid stigma) given existing preferences, technology, and the sources of status defined within a given reference group. Results. In the presence of market failures, the analysis identifies several kinds of status‐related interventions that encourage acts with positive externalities or discourage those with negative externalities, with results that contribute to social well‐being generally. Conclusions. The analysis characterizes ways that formal and informal social mechanisms can make these incentives more effective, and finds abundant evidence that interventions of this kind are widely observed in society today.  相似文献   

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