Who Lives on the Wrong Side of the Environmental Tracks? Evidence from the EPA's Risk‐Screening Environmental Indicators Model*

Objective. We analyze the social and economic correlates of air pollution exposure in U.S. cities. Methods. We combine 1990 Census block group data for urbanized areas with 1998 data on toxicity‐adjusted exposure to air pollution. Using a unique data set created as a byproduct of the EPA's Risk‐Screening Environmental Indicators Model, we improve on previous studies of environmental inequality in three ways. First, where previous studies focus on the proximity to point sources and the total mass of pollutants released, our measure of toxic exposure reflects atmospheric dispersion and chemical toxicity. Second, we analyze the data at a fine level of geographic resolution. Third, we control for substantial regional variations in pollution, allowing us to identify exposure differences both within cities and between cities. Results. We find that African Americans tend to live both in more polluted cities in the United States and in more polluted neighborhoods within cities. Hispanics live in less polluted cities on average, but they live in more polluted areas within cities. We find an extremely consistent income‐pollution gradient, with lower‐income people significantly more exposed to pollution. Conclusions. Communities with higher concentrations of lower‐income people and people of color experience disproportionate exposure to environmental hazards. Our findings highlight the importance of controlling for interregional variation in pollution levels in studies of the demographic correlates of pollution.     

Exploring the Social Roots of Smart Growth Policy Adoption by Cities*

Objective. This study identifies: (1) the smart growth policies adopted in a sample of U.S. cities; and (2) the relative impact of four social factors—education, local environmental activism, race, and homeownership on policy adoption. Method. A survey was sent to planning and development officials in a sample of 340 cities. Results. On average, the cities have 4.96 smart growth policies on their books. Adoption of such policies is more associated with two indicators of the new political culture (NPC)—the presence of environmental activist groups at the local level and the percent of college‐educated residents—than with the percent of residents who are white or the percent who are homeowners. Conclusion. The smart growth movement at the local level is a product of the environmental concerns associated with the NPC and is more likely to influence the adoption of land‐preserving policies than land‐use‐intensifying policies.     

The Politics of Market-Based Environmental Regulation: Continuity and Change in Air Pollution Control Policy Conflict

Objectives. To expand scholarly attention to a neglected area of environmental policy and politics, I attempt to test several empirical propositions drawn from the small body of existing research on the politics of market-based environmental regulation. Methods. I analyze public comments on a recent U.S. Environmental Protection Agency regulatory action guiding states on the design of various market-based air pollution control programs. I focus on the types of commenting organizations and the nature, extent, and foundations of their support or opposition to market-based regulatory instruments. Results. I find more support for than opposition to the use of economic incentive programs in air pollution control. The support from business commenters is not surprising, but the level of support expressed by state regulators departs from previous research findings. Environmental groups are the principal dissenters. Overall, the findings suggest both change and continuity in the politics of air pollution control policymaking, with some possibility of a shift in the contours of the advocacy coalitions in the pollution control policy network. Conclusions. Market-based environmental regulation is still an evolving phenomenon in American public policy. Further research on the politics of its development is in order, and the opportunities to pursue such research are substantial.     

U.S. Labor supply and demand in the long run

In this paper we model U.S. labor supply and demand over the next 25 years. Despite the anticipated aging of the population, moderate population growth will provide growing supplies of labor well into the 21st century. Improvements in labor quality due to greater education and experience will also continue for some time, but will eventually disappear. Productivity growth for the U.S. economy will be below long-term historical averages, but labor-using technical change will be a stimulus to the growth of labor demand. Year-to-year changes in economic activity will be primarily the consequence of capital accumulation. However, the driving forces of economic growth over the long term will be demography and technology.     

The role of perceived social reality in the adoption of postmaterial values: The case of Hong Kong

While much research in the past four decades has demonstrated a turn toward postmaterial values in many developed countries in the world, there are continual debates regarding the factors behind such cultural changes. This study examines the role of certain cognitive factors in the adoption of postmaterial value orientations. Analysis of three surveys conducted between 2012 and 2016 in Hong Kong illustrate that postmaterial values are, at the individual level, tied to criticisms against social inequality and immobility. The relationship is stronger among better educated people and people with higher levels of news exposure. The analysis contributes to the broader literature on cultural change in modern societies by suggesting that social affluence is not a sufficient condition for the rise of postmaterial values. Instead, specific combinations of social conditions and a process of cognitive mobilization could initiate a postmaterial turn.     

Smithian Domestic Product and the U.S. economy

This study examines Adam Smith's concept of national product (referred to as Smithian Domestic Product, or SDP) which he articulated in The Wealth of Nations. In contrast to Gross Domestic Product (which measures the production of things that have value), Smith's measure is more plutological. It measures the production of things critical for the accumulation of wealth. Given the global interest in economic growth and improvements in living standards, SDP is potentially useful as a complement to the GDP measure. As a preliminary effort to assess that potential, SDP and GDP estimates for the U.S. economy were compared for the period from 1949 to 2002. For two major macroeconomic events in the past decade (the economic boom of the 1990s and the recent recession), SDP appears to perform better than the GDP measure.     

Mexican Immigrant Self‐Employment Along the U.S.‐Mexico Border: An Analysis of 2000 Census Data*

Objective. This study explores the entrepreneurial tendencies of Mexican immigrants in metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) on the U.S. side of the Mexican border vis‐à‐vis the U.S. interior. Methods. Using 2000 Census data available in the 5% Integrated Public Use Microdata Series, we empirically analyze the self‐employment rates and earnings of Mexican immigrants residing in U.S. cities near Mexico versus those in nonborder MSAs. Results. Our findings indicate that Mexican immigrants in MSAs along the U.S.‐Mexico border have significantly higher self‐employment rates (but lower earnings) than their counterparts in the rest of the United States and non‐Hispanic whites in border cities. Explanations for these findings include the existence of trade opportunities in U.S. border cities as well as intense labor market competition that crowds a greater share of immigrants into self‐employment. Conclusion. Immigration reform that curtails the immigration flow from Mexico might hinder small business formation and economic development on the U.S. side of the Mexican border.     

美国对日外交的多维审视

美国总统奥巴马执政后,为应对美国经济实力相对下降、中国崛起和日本政坛"地震"的多重挑战,采用"巧实力"外交手段维持美国在东亚的优势地位。美国政府以东亚地区安全局势骤变为由,利用自身的军事优势、联盟体系强行介入东亚地区事务,形成对东亚地区的"主导"。通过对日多层次的"沟通",影响日本当局对区域安全局势的判断,使日本放弃了塑造新的地区秩序意向,回归到寄自身安全于美国东亚安全战略结构的传统道路上,最终完成了对鸠山政权调整日美两国关系意图的压制,在日本政权更迭之际成功地维系了美日两国"主从"关系的现状。美国对日外交对我国维护东北亚安全利益具有重要启示。     

Environmental Aid: Driven by Recipient Need or Donor Interests?*

Objective. This study investigates the trends in the distribution of environmental aid from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), U.S. foundations, and a multilateral donor, the Global Environmental Fund (GEF), to determine whether aid is driven by donor interests or recipient need. Methods. Data from USAID, the Foundation Center, GEF, and other secondary sources are analyzed using logistic and OLS regressions. Results. Traditional donor interests (politics, economics, and security) and donors' environmental interests (those favoring "global" environmental concerns over local ones) explain which nations receive environmental aid and which do not and how much nations receive. In general, the allocation of environmental aid differs from that of official development assistance. The United States does not demonstrate a middle–income bias; multilateral aid is not more "humanitarian" than bilateral aid. Foundations' allocation patterns favor traditional donors interests. Conclusions. Environmental aid does not target the nations that are most in need of abating local pollution. Instead, environmental aid donors favor nations with whom they have had prior relations (economic and security), nations that are democratic, and nations with unexploited natural resources. In short, donor interests outweigh recipient need.     

Density zoning and class segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas

Objectives:Socioeconomic segregation rose substantially in U.S. cities during the final decades of the 20th century, and we argue that zoning regulations are an important cause of this increase.Methods. We measure neighborhood economic segregation using the Gini coefficient for neighborhood income inequality and the poor-affluent exposure index. These outcomes are regressed on an index of density zoning developed from the work of Pendall for 50 U.S. metropolitan areas, while controlling for other metropolitan characteristics likely to affect urban housing markets and class segregation.Results. For both 2000 and changes from 1990 to 2000, OLS estimates reveal a strong relationship between density zoning and income segregation, and replication using 2SLS suggests that the relationship is causal. We also show that zoning is associated with higher interjurisdictional inequality.Conclusions. Metropolitan areas with suburbs that restrict the density of residential construction are more segregated on the basis of income than those with more permissive density zoning regimes. This arrangement perpetuates and exacerbates racial and class inequality in the United States.     

Financing urban growth in China: A case study of Guangzhou

Rapid urban growth has become a global phenomenon. As these city populations expand, urban governance is even more of a daunting challenge in many countries. China is not an exception. It is at once a transitional state still undergoing urbanization and economic development; it is also currently experiencing a slowing economy. China's cities must simultaneously continue to improve the quality of urban life while maintaining social stability. Using the city of Guangzhou as an example of China's mega-cities, this study explores the financing strategies used by Chinese cities to manage urban growth. While economic growth has always been the main priority, Guangzhou's strategy has not followed China's traditional approach of growth for growth's sake; instead, it is relying on investment in innovation and transportation to promote the local economy. Education is also being stressed as a means of fostering human resources. However, undisciplined infrastructure financing and ineffective intergovernmental fiscal relations are jeopardizing the city's fiscal sustainability. To correct this will require further reforms of China's fiscal system and a careful sequencing of reforms to maintain a sustainable growth in the urban area.     

Modeling compliance to environmental regulation: Evidence from manufacturing industries

We examine the demand for pollution control equipment from 1973 to 1991 by those U.S. manufacturing industries that are highly sensitive to environmental regulation. We also consider the political determinants of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) enforcement budget. Because, as we demonstrate, the EPA enforcement budget is an important determinant of the industries' investment in pollution control equipment, we are able to establish a relationship between political factors and economic decision making on the part of the industries. Thus, our analysis demonstrates that the demand for pollution control equipment is sensitive to both economic and political factors.     

银根紧缩、银根放松与放而不松——大萧条前后中美货币政策效果比较研究

对比20世纪20—30年代中国和美国的货币政策功能，在经济发达的美国，货币政策只能刹车不能启动，符合货币理论的逻辑，而在经济落后的近代中国，货币供给既能刹车又能启动，现代货币理论对此无法解释。货币政策无法启动经济的前提是需求约束型经济（美国），而在供给约束型经济（中国）中，货币政策是可以启动经济的。在两种经济状态下，紧缩银根都可以使经济增长减速或刹车。     

Types of rapidly growing counties of the U.S., 1970–1990

Recent economic growth and in-migration have led to an interesting patchwork of rapidly growing counties in the United States. This paper identifies 299 U.S. counties that were growing at least 70% from 1970 to 1990, a rate greater than one standard deviation above the mean of all counties. Using a k-means cluster algorithm, seven distinct types of rapidly growing counties, with meaningful spatial patterns, were found. Four of these clusters were primarily urban: smaller fast-growing cities in the south, large sunbelt cities, as well as both white and blue-collar suburban counties ringing many of the more dynamic metropolitan regional centers of the country. Also, there were two predominately rural clusters: retirement counties and several counties in the Intermontane West characterized by environmental amenities and isolated growth. Lastly, we observed a distinct cluster of several Hispanic counties in the southwest primarily along the U.S.–Mexico border. We believe these seven clusters present a remarkably clear portrait of the significant forces underlying the rapid growth of counties in the United States.     

金融危机的逻辑及其社会后果

目前中国的经济问题,从表面看来,是在美国金融危机冲击的背景下发生的,但从根本上来说,是一场从生活必需品时代向耐用消费品时代转型转不过去而形成的传统的生产过剩危机。原发于美国的金融危机只是引发并加速了正在酝酿中的中国的生产过剩危机。因此,美国的问题不一定是中国的问题。中国目前所面临的问题更具有传统的生产过剩危机的特点。这是我们分析中国在这次危机中一些重要问题的前提,而对经济危机产生的社会后果的讨论,也必须建立在这一前提的基础之上。中国所面临的问题主要是表现在实体经济的层面及其该问题向社会层面的传导。在这种情况下,我们面临的重要任务是,利用经济危机的机会,真正实现发展方式的转变,为从生活必需品时代顺利转型到耐用消费品时代创造条件;同时进行社会安全网络的建设,形成可以隔绝或减缓经济危机向社会层面传导的过滤机制。     

Local approaches to counter a wider pattern? Urban poverty in Portland,Oregon

A model U.S. city, Portland Oregon's progressive policies are often credited with making it highly livable, with a vibrant urban core. Yet these policies have not protected Portland from broader trends that have increased urban poverty over the past several decades in the U.S., including social welfare cuts and the shift in the economy to the service sector. In terms of poverty dynamics and social policies, we argue that while regional planning and other progressive policies have helped protect Portland from extremely high concentrated poverty present in many large U.S. cities, it has still experienced growing social dislocations associated with national and macro-level social and economic factors. These trends suggest both the possibilities and limits of local policy, regional planning, and activism for ameliorating the deleterious consequences of social welfare retrenchment and franchise capitalism for vulnerable urban populations, and highlight the importance of the broader social policy context and economic change for understanding urban poverty and the experiences of the urban poor.     

Anti‐Poverty Family Policies in China: A Critical Evaluation

Despite its rapid economic growth, China remains a developing country facing serious challenges of poverty and inequality. This article examines the development and effectiveness of China's primary anti‐poverty family policy, the Minimum Living Standard Assurance (MLSA, or Dibao). Using rich administrative data and building on the existing literature, this article provides a critical evaluation of MLSA's benefit generosity, coverage, targeting, and anti‐poverty effectiveness. To help reinforce MLSA's anti‐poverty impacts, local governments in recent years have implemented a series of supplementary policies and programs, including health, education, housing, and work support programs. This article also provides an assessment of these supplementary policies and programs and draws policy implications for the ongoing expansion of the Chinese government's anti‐poverty efforts.     

Australia’s national urban policy: The smart cities agenda in perspective

The Australian Government's attempts at national urban policy have been sporadic and inconsistent, under the constraints of constitutional, financial, ideological and political factors. This paper concerns the recent resurgence of national urban policy under the rubric of “smart cities” adopted by the Turnbull Government and carried on by the incumbent Morrison Government. It investigates how this round of smart cities agenda articulates with Australia's political tradition of national urban policy to seek continuity and change, through comparing historical policies, unpacking major smart cities programmes, identifying explanatory factors and critically commenting on its innovation and legacy. Drawing upon these analyses, this paper argues that understanding the smart cities agenda needs to move beyond the political, ideological “to-and-fro” pendulum to national urban policy observed in history. Rather, it resonates with a globalised policy norm established upon the city-based global integration and competition, driven by an imperative of transitioning to a knowledge economy and pursuing innovation capacity. It is too early to judge whether the smart cities agenda will bring changes to Australian cities in the way it wishes, since it involves long-term infrastructure investment and urban development projects. However, a comprehensive and consistent national urban policy to govern the Australian system of cities and towns has not been established yet.     

Immigration and environment in the U.S.: A spatial study of air quality

Environmental consequences are frequently cited as a justification for restricting immigration to the United States, but there is little empirical research on the environmental consequences of immigration to support such arguments. The research that does exist shows immigration to be less environmentally harmful than native population growth, but is hampered by small samples and fails to account for spatial autocorrelation of air quality. We use the air quality domain of the Environmental Protection Agency’s Environmental Quality Index (EQI) to examine the association between immigrant and native populations and local air quality across all counties in the continental U.S. We employ spatial models to account for spatial autocorrelation of air quality across the counties, controlling for indicators of economic development and location characteristics. We find that native population is strongly associated with worse air quality, while foreign-born population is associated with better air quality. However, this association varies by immigrant country of origin, with East Asian immigrants in particular associated with worse air quality, and by immigrants’ year of entry, with some immigration cohorts positively associated with air quality, and others negatively. These findings highlight the importance of population characteristics in understanding population-environment linkages.     

A New Right? Moral Issues and Partisan Change in Canada*

Objective. Beginning with the 1993 election, Canada's Progressive Conservative Party was replaced as the dominant force on the political right by the more ideological Reform Party/Canadian Alliance. This article examines what specific issues most centrally motivated this seismic shift among conservative Canadians. Method. Using data from the 1993, 1997, and 2000 Canadian Election Studies, we employ bivariate analyses and multinomial logit voting models to determine whether constitutional, economic, nativist, or moral issues most clearly differentiate PC supporters from R/A voters. Results. Regional concerns are important and other issues have sporadic impacts, but moral traditionalism is the most consistent and powerful factor distinguishing supporters of the new party from supporters of the old one. Conclusions. Although existing studies have focused primarily on other sources of R/A support, moral traditionalism is clearly a key factor in explaining the party's ascendancy. This phenomenon, we contend, is part of a larger trend toward postmaterial politics in Western democracies.