从柏拉图的哲学王到卢梭的立法者

在制度与公民的关系问题上存在着"有好制度才有好公民,有好公民才有好制度"的悖论,为解决这一悖论,柏拉图引入哲学王的概念,卢梭则引入立法者的概念.柏拉图和卢梭在解决上述悖论方面存在两个主要差异:在由谁来确定共同善的问题上,他们存在着唯理智主义与唯意志主义的差异;在依据什么来塑造理想国家的问题上,他们则存在着普遍主义与特殊主义的差异.最终,柏拉图和卢梭都不得不求助于神意来支撑他们的理论.     

Measuring Anti‐Americanism in Editorial Cartoons*

Objective. Anti‐Americanism has been subjected to minimal statistical analysis. Further, scant attention is paid to what constitutes anti‐Americanism for Americans. The objective of this article is to measure Americans' perceptions of anti‐Americanism. Methods. Using a range of quantitative methods, including Pearson's correlation coefficient, Shannon's entropy measure, and Cohen's d statistics, we measure students' evaluations of editorial cartoons after 9/11. Twin measures of message and equity, along with participant and cartoon variables, are used to calibrate anti‐Americanism in Spanish and U.S. editorial cartoons. Results. Our results indicate that message ratings, that is, anti‐ or pro‐American, were more dependent on the nature of the cartoons than of the participants. White males rated these editorial cartoons as more equitable than other participants. The study shows that Spanish cartoons were rated significantly more anti‐American. Conclusion. The article concludes that the use of U.S. icons is key to seeing anti‐Americanism, along with gender, race, and origin of cartoon.     

Measuring State TANF Policy Variations and Change After Reform*

Objectives. Our objectives are to describe the policies adopted after PRWORA, which vary across states, to test for common underlying policy concepts, demonstrating how these policies are interrelated, and to examine whether policy stringency diffused to neighboring states results in greater policy stringency across all states over time. We convert textual TANF welfare guidelines into empirically derived policy dimensions and use the derived quantitative scores to describe variation and change in welfare policy dimensions across status during the 1996–2003 post‐welfare‐reform period. Methods. Utilizing the Urban Institute's Welfare Rules Database, we apply a factor analytic methodology to 78 unique state policy guidelines that were coded on a lenient‐to‐stringent continuum. Regression analyses, employing spatial contiguity weighting, are used to describe policy diffusion. Results. The results identified 15 underlying first‐order post‐welfare‐reform policy dimensions, which for scientific parsimony were further reduced to three second‐order underlying dimensions representing rules governing eligibility: eligibility requirements for groups, behavioral responsibilities for maintaining eligibility, and eligibility time limits and exemptions. Analysis of the quantitative scores showed that by 2003 states had become more lenient regarding eligibility criteria for groups but decidedly more stringent regarding behavioral guidelines for maintaining eligibility and eligibility time limits and exemptions. Spatial clustering is not found globally but is significant for some states at the local level. Spatial diffusion is apparent only for behavioral rules. Conclusions. Our results suggest that TANF policy variations across states go beyond payment levels to include salient eligibility rules. The patterns of variability in change scores across states do not support a pervasive “race to the bottom” conclusion.     

The Interaction of Country of Origin,Acculturation, and Gender Role Ideology on Wife Abuse*

Objective. Using data from the Mexican American Prevalence and Services Survey ( Vega et al., 1998 ), this research tests whether the impact of acculturation and gender role ideology on wife abuse depends on country of origin. Methods. Two separate logistic regressions, one for U.S.‐born Latinas and one for Mexican‐born Latinas, are compared to test the impact of the interaction of place of origin with the other variables. Results. Our findings support earlier research indicating that power dynamics within a relationship impact the likelihood of a wife reporting she has experienced abuse. Significant differences in the influence of independent variables are found when comparing U.S.‐ and Mexican‐born respondents. In particular, variables related to family power dynamics operate differently. Gender role beliefs, however, have an independent influence for both groups after controlling for sociodemographic factors and power dynamics. Women with more traditional orientations are less likely to report abuse. Conclusions. Because the impact of gender role ideology is significant and in the same direction for both those born in the United States and those born in Mexico, it is unlikely that the traditional familism and gender role orientations reported among the Mexican born afford them greater protection against abuse.     

Disentangling Constituency and Legislator Effects in Legislative Representation: Black Legislators or Black Districts?*

Objective. Does the race of a legislator or does the black population of a district best predict legislative roll‐call voting in the interests of African Americans? Due to methodological limitations, no prior study has found that both the race of the legislator and the black district population are significant predictors of congressional roll‐call voting. Drawing on post Shaw v. Reno/Miller v. Johnson congressional districts (with greater data variance), I examine the effect of these two racial representation variables on roll‐call voting in the 104th–106th Congresses. Methods. Linear regression with random effects is employed in two statistical models. Results. Even when the black district population and party are considered, the presence of an African‐American legislator leads to greater substantive representation of black constituents. Conclusion. Districting plans that maximize the election of black legislators and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of liberal voting in Congress, while districting plans that maximize black district populations and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of civil rights voting records in Congress.     

Measuring Third World Poverty by the International Poverty Line: The Case of Reform China*

This article selects a fast growing economy, China, under Deng Xiao-ping's economic reforms, as a case example for exploring the use of the median income-linked international poverty line in measuring third world poverty. Those third world countries which have a fast growing economy have the prospect of increased income inequality. Henceforth, the widening income inequality justifies a comparable poverty measurement which takes into account the relation between economic affluence and income distribution.     

Ideology and Social Position in Poland: The Determinants of Voting for the Right, 1991–2005*

Objective. The far Right's rise to power in Poland in 2005 left many observers curious about the relationship between conditions of rising inequality, recent E.U. accession, and the changing resonance of right‐wing ideology. This study analyzes Polish voting patterns over the 1991–2005 period in order to determine the effects of ideological and social‐structural variables on political behavior in a postsocialist context. Methods. The study employs bivariate analysis to assess the persistence or novelty of associations between conservative ideologies and right‐wing voting throughout a period of macro‐structural change. The data are drawn from the Polish General Social Survey. Results. The analysis indicates that by 2001, three ideological factors became newly correlated with voting for the Right: religious traditionalism, anti‐Communism, and free market values. Structurally, Poles with more years of education were the new base of party support by 2001. Conclusions. Contrary to expectations, postsocialism's economic “losers”—those with less education, less income, the unemployed—were not more likely to turn to the Right. Middle‐class interests began to have greater political influence by the end of this period, a conclusion that seems supported by more recent election outcomes.     

Ideology,Diversity, and Imprisonment: Considering the Influence of Local Politics on Racial and Ethnic Minority Incarceration Rates*

Objective. To test the influence of local (county) politics on minority incarceration rates. Methods. Data are collected at the county level in California to create a pooled cross‐sectional data set. OLS regression models predicting black, Hispanic, and white incarceration rates (in state prison) are used in the analysis. Results. Counties' ideological orientations and racial and ethnic contextual characteristics significantly impact minority incarceration rates. Greater ideological conservatism within counties is associated with higher rates (as a proportion of their population) of both black and Hispanic incarceration. Consistent with racial threat theory, results show counties with greater racial and ethnic diversity are more likely to incarcerate blacks and Hispanics. Tests for interaction effects indicate that greater county diversity decreases the punitive effects of ideological conservatism on minority incarceration. Conclusion. Political forces nested within states systematically shape how state government incarceration power is distributed across different racial and ethnic groups.     

印度人民党意识形态的发展变化

印度人民党的意识形态是以整体人本主义和印度教特性为主体的印度教民族主义思想体系.这一思想体系的主旨在于强调印度民族就是印度教民族,强调印度教文化价值体系.由于政党的意识形态受制于社会环境,因此,要不断作出调整.印度人民党的意识形态经历了五项政策原则、整体人本主义和印度教特性三个阶段的变化,这些变化反映了印度政治和社会形势的变化.     

意识形态在对外政策中的作用

意识形态在对外政策中的作用是国际关系研究中的一个重要的理论和现实问题.本文从意识形态涵义、特点和功能入手,探讨意识形态与对外政策的关系及意识形态在对外政策中的作用.本文的主要观点是:首先,意识形态通过影响决策者对国家利益的判断而影响国家对外政策的目标选择,如果意识形态导致国家对其利益的错误认识,意识形态将损害国家的现实利益;其次,由于任何意识形态都包含有道义和理想化的政治目标,它可以为国家的对外政策提供道义上的支持,使对外政策显得合理、正义;第三,由于以意识形态的吸引力来实现对外政策目标成本最低而成效最持久稳定,所以,意识形态可以成为实现对外政策目标的最高明的手段.     

儒家的形上之思

与仅仅沉思对象与本然存在不同,儒家哲学更多关注于世界之"在"与人自身存在的关系,由此展开的,是一种存在与价值、本体论与价值论统一的形而上学路向,这种进路不同于思辨的形而上学,其中包含着值得注意的理论内涵,存在价值的相关性,同时蕴含着实践的意义.儒家将天地的演化与人的价值创造联系起来,以人化的存在为对象世界应有的形态,并在此前提下引出"与天地参".     

意识形态与政治社会化

任何一种社会政治体系都有它的意识形态。意识形态具有鲜明的两重性特点和显著的积极与消极功能。意识形态功能的发挥过程实际上是人们接受意识形态的宣传、灌输并与之认同的过程 ,即意识形态的政治社会化过程。这个过程包括两个方面 :(1)被意识形态化的政治人的塑造和人与人之间的社会关系和政治关系的再生产过程 ,即社会和政治制度的延续过程 ;(2 )霸权理论的形成及其整合社会的过程 ,尤其是不同意识形态之间的对立、冲突和斗争的过程。社会主义国家要想在与资本主义意识形态的斗争中立于不败之地 ,就必须发展和完善社会主义的意识形态理论 ,发展哲学社会科学 ,加强对社会意识形态的传播和政治社会化     

意识形态在对外政策中的作用

意识形态在对外政策中的作用是国际关系研究中的一个重要的理论和现实问题。本文从意识形态涵义、特点和功能入手 ,探讨意识形态与对外政策的关系及意识形态在对外政策中的作用。本文的主要观点是 :首先 ,意识形态通过影响决策者对国家利益的判断而影响国家对外政策的目标选择 ,如果意识形态导致国家对其利益的错误认识 ,意识形态将损害国家的现实利益 ;其次 ,由于任何意识形态都包含有道义和理想化的政治目标 ,它可以为国家的对外政策提供道义上的支持 ,使对外政策显得合理、正义 ;第三 ,由于以意识形态的吸引力来实现对外政策目标成本最低而成效最持久稳定 ,所以 ,意识形态可以成为实现对外政策目标的最高明的手段。     

Are Naturalized Voters Driving the California Latino Electorate? Measuring the Effect of IRCA Citizens on Latino Voting*

Objectives. The 1990s witnessed the growth and maturation of the Latino electorate in California and many scholars have posited as to the reasons. One argument is that naturalizations by way of the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) drove the increases in Latino participation. In this article we investigate the extent to which this is the case. Methods. Using unpublished INS data, we offer the first empirical test of the IRCA theory by examining Latino IRCA petitions by zipcode to determine whether or not IRCA legalizations and subsequent naturalizations were the force behind increased Latino turnout, and the overall growth of the Latino vote. We merge IRCA data with Registrar of Voter data to examine real growth in the Latino vote at the zipcode level from 1996–2000 in southern California. Results. Although Latino voting grew substantially, we find that IRCA naturalizations did not spur the increases in Latino voting in the 1990s as some have expected. Instead, demographic and mobilization variables explain why the Latino vote grew between 1996 and 2000. Conclusions. As Congress debates new proposals to “legalize” the millions of undocumented immigrants living and working in this country, many will inevitably ask what impact their citizenship will have on the electorate. This study sheds some light on the relationship between amnesty programs, citizenship, and voting among Latinos.     

利益视角下《德意志意识形态》中的意识形态理论及其当代意义

《德意志意识形态》系统地阐发了历史唯物主义的新意识形态观。这种新意识形态观深刻地揭示了利益与意识形态的产生、发展、消亡、本质以及功能的内在联系。从利益视角来审视和考察意识形态对于认清意识形态＂终结论＂、＂普世论＂、＂多元指导论＂的实质以及正确认识马克思主义意识形态的阶级性与科学性,驳斥虚假性责难具有重要现实意义。推动社会主义意识形态建设必须反对脱离生动的实践活动的教条主义,不断把握和实现人民的利益诉求。