沙陀族历史杂探

有关沙陀都督府、沙陀族共同体、沙陀族姓等问题 ,学术界向来说法颇多 ,这些说法与历史事实多有出入。本文依据史料认为 :唐初西域地区并无沙陀都督府建制 ;构成沙陀族共同体的基础是“沙陀三部落” ,不能把早期的沙陀突厥与尔后的沙陀族视为一体 ;沙陀族除沙陀三部落外还包含有其他民族成分 ,学术界过去只将李、刘、石三姓视为沙陀族姓与史实不符。沙陀族姓是沙陀族共同体丰富内涵的真实反映     

沙陀的族源及其早期历史

本文对沙陀的族源及其早期历史中的几个问题进行了考察。认为回纥人、粟特人以及鞑靼人只是沙陀民族共同体的组成部分 ,而不是沙陀的族源 ,沙陀的族源是西突厥别部处月部中的朱邪部落。朱邪是沙陀最早的部族名 ,永徽三年后文献中始以其居地“沙陀”名之 ,贞元年间沙陀人离开沙碛 ,史书恢复“朱邪”的名号 ,于是朱邪成为姓氏 ,沙陀成为族名。沙陀金山卒于开元二年之后 ,而不在之前。沙陀人早期居地当在金娑山之阴、蒲类之西 ,《新唐书·沙陀传》记载有误。在唐、吐蕃、大食、回纥四方角逐中 ,沙陀基本上是与唐、回纥联合 ,共同抵抗吐蕃     

大盈江上的阿昌族

大盈江蜿蜒曲折地穿流在云南西部高黎貢山南端的崇山和丘陵地帶中,最后向西南流入緬甸境内。在大盈江流域的一些地区,居住着我們的一个兄弟民族——阿昌族。我国的阿昌族有一万七千多人,主要分布在德宏傣族景頗族自治州盈江县的户撒、臘撒和梁河县的遮島东北。緬甸境内也有阿昌族分布。阿昌族大都居住在平壩地区,他们是那些平壩的开拓者,现在,当地傣族还有“昌弟昂”这句話,意     

辽代奚族考略

辽朝是契丹人于十一、二世纪在我国北方建立的一个多民族政权。在它的境内,除契丹和汉人外,还有渤海、室韦、女真、突厥、吐浑、党项、小番、沙陀、奚、霫等民族。因此,对辽朝内部各民族历史的认真研讨,无疑是个十分重要的问题。本文试对辽代奚族社会作些初步探讨。     

略谈宋王朝对少数民族的经济政策

宋王朝处于中华民族又一次大分裂时期,它的北部和西北部,先后出现辽、西夏、金、蒙古等少数民族政权与之相对立;南方则由于中原汉族不断南迁,进一步加强了宋王朝与南方、西南方各少数民族的联系。在“守内虚外”方针指导下,宋王朝对境内少数民族白蛮、僮族、瑶族、苗族、黎族、畲族、吐蕃,以及内附的东北及西北各族如党项、回鹘诸族,采取抚绥、优惠的经济政策,以达到“守内”的目的。 一、“荒服不征”及只输“丁口之赋” 宋王朝对少数民族地区,根据实际情况,划分羁縻州县和非羁縻州县。“过羁縻,则谓之化外真蛮矣。”宋王朝将这类荒远地区列     

后唐、后晋、后汉王朝的昭武九姓胡

后唐、后晋、后汉王朝的昭武九姓主要来自唐代的六胡州，以及随沙陀部落东迁之昭武九姓和回鹘败亡后降唐部落被安置在代北的昭武九姓。昭武九姓是沙陀崛起代北的主要军事力量，后唐、后晋、后汉王朝的建立、演变与昭武九姓密切相关。所谓“沙陀三王朝”其历史是沙陀突厥与昭武九姓共同活动的历史。     

柯尔克孜族名沿革

柯尔克孜族是我们伟大祖国大家庭的成员之一,是一个具有悠久历史的民族。长期以来,他们一直聚居在今新疆克孜勒苏柯尔克孜自治州境内,其余则散居在拜城、乌什、和田和特克斯、额敏、伊宁、乌鲁木齐以及黑龙江省富裕县五家子村和富裕牧场等地。 柯尔克孜族最早始见于《史记》,这里被称为“鬲昆”,《汉书》、《魏书》、《北周书》、《隋书》依次被称为“坚昆”、“纥骨”、“契骨”,唐代称为“黠戛斯”,宋代称“黠戛司”,辽时称为“辖戛斯”,元代称为“乞尔吉斯”,明代称为“吉里吉斯”,清代称柯尔克孜为“布鲁特”。现根据柯族自称的语音译为“柯尔克孜”族。     

释“辽内四部族”

《辽史·营卫志》“部族”条记述辽国各部族情况之前,专设一项“辽内四部族”,其下仅列四部族之名:遥辇九帐族,横帐三父房族,国舅帐拔里、乙室已族,国舅别部。这四部族不入于“太祖十八部”及“圣宗三十四部”①之列,显系与诸部族有别。那么,其区别何在?为何又冠以“辽内”之称?揭开其谜底,可以从另一个方面展示作为一个游牧集团而四时迁徙的辽朝皇帝行宫部落的构成,从而也可使我们对《辽史·百官志》记载的内容产生若干新的认识。     

论刘知远

论刘知远曾国富在五代史中，李存勖建立的后唐，石敬瑭建立的后晋，刘知远建立的后汉，因其建国者皆出自沙陀部族，故称“沙陀三王朝”。在沙陀三王朝中，后汉政权只存在了四年，其建立者刘知远也只做了一年的皇帝，国祚甚速，帝龄极短。究其根源，除客观因素外，与刘知远...     

“僚”名的读音与弃用

“僚”是壮族及其先民骆人、僚人、僮人三个发展时期中承先启后的族称 ,也是中国西南岭南以及东南亚侗台语民族的泛称。“僚”作为族称为什么不读“辽” ,而读为“佬” ,文章认为这是受古越语高频词“咱们”的影响 ,“咱们”一词的壮语读音为“佬”。在某些情况下 ,生活高频词会成为族群的他称。“僚”名的“泛称”和“音变”的局限性是其被弃用和替代的重要原因之一。僚”名能留到今天的印记就是“佬”。     

革命,民族,现代性——关于中共陕甘宁边区政府回族干部的考论

抗日战争时期,在团结抗日的目标条件下,群众团体成为中国社会各阶层的动员和组织的重要形式。在众多回族抗日群众团体中,成立于1938年的中国回民救国协会是影响深远的回族群众团体,为了更好地动员和团结各民族,1940年在延安成立了第一个少数民族抗日群众团体—延安回民救国协会,同年还成立了中国回民救国协会陕甘宁分会。通过对延安回民救国协会的观察和研究,以及对回族基层干部的关注,可以了解到回族基层干部主要是中共中央基层组织培养和教育的结果。本文以金浪白和马文良为例,研究他们的经历、参加中国革命的契机,以及他们在中国共产党回族政策中的作用。此外,通过对其他回族干部来源调查,研究中国共产党如何选拔录用回族干部,并与鄂豫皖根据地选拔与录用干部方式的加以比较,探讨回族干部选拔录取方式的特点,提出有关回族妇女干部的新观点。     

The Socioeconomic Attainments of Non-immigrant Cambodian, Filipino, Hmong, Laotian, Thai, and Vietnamese Americans

Using recent American Community Survey data, this study investigates socioeconomic attainments of six ethnic groups of Southeast Asian Americans. Findings show that the educational attainment of Filipinos, Vietnamese, and Thai is higher than that of whites, while the educational attainment of Cambodians, Hmong, and Laotians is lower than that of whites. Regarding earnings, Southeast Asian American women are generally not disadvantaged relative to white women, but Southeast Asian American men tend to have lower earnings than white men after controlling for education and other demographic factors such as age, metropolitan residence, and region. We conclude that Cambodians, Hmong, and Laotians are the most disadvantaged groups among Southeast Asian Americans and that most Southeast Asian American male groups tend to be at least slightly disadvantaged in the labor market at least after controlling for metropolitan residence and region.     

Islam,Moderation, Radicalism,and Justly Balanced Communities

If media outlets and political rhetoric are to be believed, then the way to counter “radical” Islam is through “moderate” Islam. Seemingly, “moderate” Islam is that which “radical” Islam is not. In appointing “moderate” Islam as an antidote to “radical” Islam, the implication is that, conceptually at least, the two terms are contradistinctive. Yet, while much is, perceivably, known about “radical” Islam, with its associated ills of an unequivocal Islamic worldview, very little attention has been afforded to this signifier, “moderate”. Inasmuch as this term is bandied around, even scholars of Islam will acknowledge that, within Islamic education, understandings of and debates on conceptions of moderation, and moderate Muslim communities, have been somewhat overlooked. What, therefore, is a “moderate” Islam? What is a “moderate” Muslim community and how would it act? What are the implications for a “moderate” community in relation to pluralist societies? And, can such a “moderate” community offer a practical response not only to “radical” Islam, but, perhaps, more importantly, to increasingly antagonistic, liberal contexts?     

Migration,masculinity, and family

Previous studies of migration, family, and gender have shown that migration is not only an event that changes family life, the change itself is a gendered process. How migrant women develop strategies to cope with challenges posed by either their own migration or their husbands’ migration has been widely studied. However, how migrant men adjust and change their care practices and domestic roles to accommodate challenges brought about by migration to their family lives has not been as extensively explored. Using interview data gathered from male rural-to-urban migrant workers in South China, this paper fills this gap by studying male migrants’ agency and masculinity through the concept of masculine compromise. Masculine compromise delineates how migrant men strive to respond to changing family circumstances triggered by migration while maintaining the gender boundaries that underpin their dominance within the family. As a concept, masculine compromise underscores the material impact of migration on gender practices and family life; and the limited effect it has on gender attitudes and identity. Masculine compromise provides a feminist lens to analyse the complex effect of migration on changing masculinity and gender relationships within the family.     

Bushfire catastrophe in Victoria,Australia: public record,accountability, commemoration,memorialization and heritage protection

In Australia, 7 February 2009 has become known as ‘Black Saturday’ because of the bushfire catastrophe that took 173 lives and devastated communities in the central parts of the State of Victoria. The paper considers how the 2009 fires have been recorded, how the issue of accountability has been dealt with, particularly in relation to the State and its agencies but also individual residents in the fire-devastated areas, and how bushfire deaths and other losses have been commemorated through remembrance events and museum collection projects and memorialized through the creation of new monuments and the protection of remaining physical structures as official heritage. Despite the major impact of bushfires on the State, to date few bushfire-related places have been protected. The former Cockatoo Kindergarten, which acted as a community refuge during an earlier catastrophic Victorian bushfire on Ash Wednesday, 16 February 1983, is an exception. Inscribed in 2012, the former kindergarten is the only bushfire-related place inscribed on the Victorian Heritage Register, in this case for its historical and social value as a place resonating with other communities affected by other bushfires and helping the broader Victorian public to come to terms with bushfire catastrophe. But, while bushfire commemoration activities and physical memorials, like those relating to war, help many societies remember individual and community pain and suffering, they can divert attention from the more fundamental questions of why they were there in the first place and what must be done to ensure the same catastrophe does not recur in the future. In this regard, the paper questions the oft-cited claim that bushfires are embedded in the Australian psyche, seeing links between the rhetoric around bushfire survival and Australian myth-making and nation-building.     

Enoch Powell,empires, immigrants and education

2018 marks the 50th anniversary of Enoch Powell’s infamous ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech, an intervention that is still viewed as one of the most incendiary statements of the perceived decay and violence likely to follow legislation intended to assure minoritised British citizens of equal rights regardless of their ethnic origin. In this essay, Sally Tomlinson (one of Britain’s foremost multicultural theorists) reflects on Powell’s legacy and the contemporary scene where in the US, UK and across Europe, White resentment and fear is increasingly shaping ‘mainstream’ debates about nationhood, migration and education.     

企业创新:动力、要素、途径

企业在国家创新体系中处于核心地位,是自主创新的主体。企业持续创新的动力,包括企业利益、企业家精神、创新激励、企业创新能力等内源动力和市场需求牵引力、市场竞争推动力、科学技术驱动力、政府政策支持力等外源动力。观念创新是一切创新活动的先导,体制创新是企业创新的基础,管理创新是企业创新的支撑,技术创新是企业创新的关键。提升我国企业自主创新能力必须确立自主创新战略,完善创新法律体系,增加对创新的政府投入、税收优惠和金融支持,建立产学研相结合的体系和联动机制,实施知识产权战略,加强企业创新人才队伍建设。     

Race, Genetic Ancestry, and Health

Knowledge from human genetic research continuously challenges the notion that race and biology are inextricably linked, with implications across biomedical and public health disciplines. However, biomedical research continues to explore health and disease under a racial framework ignoring and at times confounding the identification of true biological and/or environmental risk factors. Within this article, we present a brief overview of the use of race in biomedical research and studies of human genome variation and how genetic ancestry may help us understand health disparities. We believe that the casual use of “race” to define groups in biomedical research has contributed to our limited understanding of complex disease etiology and risk factors driving health disparities.     

排、排瑶、瑶排、八排瑶等称谓之辨析

粤北连南排瑶的几个称谓:排、排瑶、瑶排、八排瑶等,在解说和使用上存在一定的分歧.本文通过梳理和辨析,认为"排"由动词"排年"、"编排"演变为名词"村庄"、"村寨",后来又指基层行政组织;"瑶排"、"排瑶"、"八排"、"八排瑶"语义明确,理解一致;"瑶排"、"排瑶"最早的出处是李来章的<风土记>,"八排"曩早出现于明末朱若适文;"八排瑶"最早出现于清·屈大均的<广东新语>,它与"排瑶"相通、与"八排"不同,但它们在使用上有交错代替的现象.