灾荒与关中交通关系研究——以民国十八年（1929）为中心

民国十八年,关中遭遇重大灾荒,对社会经济发展造成严重威胁。当时中央及地方政府采取各种措施应对灾荒,其中以工代赈加大交通修建的政策,为民国时期关中交通的发展带来契机。当时全国各地的赈济款项与物资,源源不断地流入关中。大批因灾而流亡的灾民也为交通修建提供廉价劳动力,交通的发展必然为关中经济的后续发展创造条件。     

The politics and economics of food and famine in Bangladesh in the early 1970s – with special reference to Amartya Sen's interpretation of the 1974 famine

Bangladesh confronted two formidable food crises in 1972 and 1974. While the government succeeded in averting a widely predicted famine in the first case, it failed to prevent an actual famine in the later case when such a cataclysmic disaster was least anticipated. Evidence suggests that the 1974 famine was caused by successive onslaughts of natural disasters such as floods and droughts, and man-made disasters such as the government's inability to import foods, the directing of subsidised food to the politically vocal urban population, an abrupt fall in food aid and political and administrative corruption that encouraged massive hoarding and the smuggling of food grain. This article argues that Noble Laureate economist Amartya Sen's seminal analysis of the 1974 Bangladesh famine on the basis of his 'entitlement approach' fails to capture most of these circumventing factors. The article also argues that by undermining the politico-administrative dynamics of the famine, and by applying his entitlement approach only half-heartedly in examining it, Sen somewhat trivialises the sufferings of a famine-affected population under a corrupt and inefficient political regime.     

1901年陕西大旱灾中的西人赈济活动研究

1898-1901年间,陕西大旱导致严重饥荒。美国各界民众通过《基督教先驱报》为陕西灾民募集赈款,并由英国浸礼会、中国内地会、瑞华会等新教传教士在西安、三原、临潼、渭南等关中各地开展赈济活动。本文对此次赈济活动的缘起、赈灾机构的组建、《基督教先驱报》记者的灾情调查、赈款的散放方式和过程,以及赈济活动的深远影响等进行了深入分析和考述,以期推进陕西近代中西交流史和近代西人在陕赈济的研究。     

Food crises and female children in rural Bangladesh

Although almost all nations show lower female than male mortality, Bangladesh and certain other developing countries show higher female mortality rates. Among children aged 1 to 4 in Bangladesh, female mortality rates are 45% higher for girls than for boys. This paper examines whether 1) sex biased attitudes toward nutrition (as expressed in terms of food intake) are more marked during food crises, and 2) these biases are related to the socioeconomic status of the family. The study measured weight and height of approximately 1400 children aged 1 to 4 in Bangladesh from April 1975 (10 months after the famine began) through December 1976 (14 months after the famine ended). The findings clearly indicate that sex and social status are strong correlates of nutritional status. Children of higher status families with larger homes fared better throughout the time period. Within each status category, boys fared better than girls. While poor families were harder hit by famine than wealthier ones, male-female nutritional discrimination was stronger among the higher classes. These differences were accentuated during the famine period. Policy makers and planners in Bangladesh must be made aware that such sex biases exist and that these patterns are exacerbated during food shortages.     

Providing for the hungry? Famine relief in the Russian Baltic province of Estland, 1867–9

This article explores the measures taken by the institutions of state government, the nobility, communities and charitable committees to relieve suffering in Estland during the hunger crisis of 1867–9, examining the share of relief borne by local resources and central administration. Through comparisons with Russian and Finnish famine experiences, it demonstrates that the functioning and efficiency of famine relief were strongly influenced by patterns of landownership as well as political and social factors. Estonian peasants received their share from the imperial funds but these were clearly inadequate to meet their needs. The government not only spared the purse but was also determined to follow the laissez-faire policy of non-interference in markets. The communities were unwilling to provide for the landless and the Baltic German landlords kept aid to the minimum for both farmer peasants and the landless. Institutional responses were shaped by the belief that all able-bodied persons had to provide for themselves, which was hardly possible due to the extreme lack of jobs and the legal restrictions on out-migration from the province. The severity of famine in Estland was a result not of inadequate resources but of inadequate responses, which were shaped by the dynamics of class relationships.     

试构"文学政治学"

文学活动与政治活动之间存在着由历史构成的关联,文学和政治的关系,其实也就是文学和政治文化的关系,所以,从文学理论与政治学相交叉的角度来看,应当建构文学政治学,从而充分地解释文学与政治之间的关系.文学表现政治是文学对政治的想象,文学政治学就是研究文学想象政治的一门文学理论.     

Amartya Sen's entitlement approach: empirical statement or conceptual framework?

In this article, the theoretical and methodological status of Amartya Sen's entitlement approach is discussed. The point of departure for the discussion is Caf Dowlah's criticism in this issue of the International Journal of Social Welfare of Sen's analysis of the 1974 famine in Bangladesh. In his article, Dowlah criticises Sen for not giving a full empirical account of the socio-political situation, primarily the widespread corrup-tion in Bangladesh at the time of the famine in question. In my view, even if this criticism is correct, it is not strictly essential to the factual and normative status of Sen's entitlement approach. I argue further that Dowlah's reading of Sen in this context implies an empiricist standpoint that is in general alien to Sen's entitlement approach. I contest the normative claim that by neglecting to give substantial treatment to the wide-spread corruption in Bangladesh Sen had trivialised the con-ditions of the population, and offer an alternative hypothesis; namely, that factual accounts of corruption, however relevant, seldom fulfil the requirements of methodological rigour char-acteristic of the discipline of economics with its deductive models. The article examines the formal, legalistic focus of the entitlement approach and discusses its consequences. The article takes up the problems of validation and falsification in relation to an empiricist interpretation, and a deductive ration-alist interpretation, respectively, of the entitlement approach. The conclusion is that both interpretations have distinct problems. The empiricist interpretation must contend with the problem of what constitutes the empirical basis of inductive generalisa-tion; the deductive interpretation must contend with the problem that the universal applicability of nomenclatures is more defini-tional than explanatory.     

信托政治论

信托政治,就是以信任和委托为支点的政治。在信托政治关系中,包括两类主体:政治的委托者和政治的受托者。受托者基于委托者的信任和托付,既获得了执掌政治的权力,但也必须承担作为受托者的、不容推卸的政治责任和道德义务。信托政治的观念在中国传统文化中源远流长,是数千年来封建王朝更迭的理论基础;在现代中国,信托政治理论也蕴含着值得进一步挖掘的潜力。信托政治的观念不但有助于解释当代中国的政治现实,而且还具有强烈的实践指向性。     

经济全球化与中国政治发展战略目标

经济全球化条件下的中国政治发展战略目标,是指在经济全球化的时代背景下,中国政治发展使中国政治本身呈现何种状态,发展到什么样的水平和境界。这样的战略目标既要适应人类社会政治发展的历史潮流,体现政治发展的本质特征,又要从中国的实际出发。在经济全球化条件下,中国政治发展的战略目标是:政治民主化、政治法治化、政治稳定化和政治意识的核心价值体系的建构。     

新的社会阶层政治参与问题探析

新的社会阶层作为建设中国特色社会主义的一支重要力量,在国家经济、政治、文化生活中起着非常重要的作用。经济实力的壮大催生了新的社会阶层作为社会人的政治自觉性,但从实际情况看,新的社会阶层成员的政治地位一直未能与其经济地位相匹配,他们还未能广泛地参与到政治领域中去。从而导致新的社会阶层中的部分人员存在明显的政治游离感,缺乏隶属管理和组织依靠,其政治参与和利益诉求的渠道也不畅通。这就要求我们积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革,创新制度,扩大新的社会阶层政治参与的渠道,促进社会主义民主政治建设。各级统战部门要在思想上进行引导,加强对新的社会阶层的思想政治教育;在组织上进行管理,完善对新的社会阶层的组织依靠,在政治上给予安排,提高新的社会阶层的政治地位。     

音乐的形式美与政治的音乐化——先秦儒家审美教育思想管窥

以和谐为最高目标的先秦儒家,其政治也追求音乐般和谐有序的状态和境界。其一,他们发现了理想的政治结构与音乐运动形式之间的异质同构;其二,先秦儒家伦理政治的基础和出发点是人性的中庸、平衡、节律与和谐,这使得先秦儒家实现伦理政治的途径借助于音乐,其目标与音乐相通。其三,他们认为政治的最高境界是达到至乐无声而天下之民和的音乐境界。在21世纪,政治更趋于民生自由和人性化的今天,先秦儒家关于政治音乐化的理想中所包含的哲学智慧和人文关怀对我们具有启发意义。     

派性村庄政治下的农民上访研究

派性村庄内的农民上访行动兼具个体意志与派性意志的双重特征。农民上访的个体意志使得个体的上访行动具备维护自身利益的内涵,而派性意志使得上访行动具备明显的政治斗争意图。在派性村庄政治下,农民上访变成了派性斗争的工具,国家权力则在上访行动中变成了派性斗争倚重的工具。通过农民上访和国家权力的干预,村庄派性之间的权力格局被重新塑造,同时国家权力也通过对村庄权力结构的塑造及上访活动的回应获得了合法性和权威性。村庄内的派性政治衍生了上访事件,同时也构建了上访事件的再生产机制。     

唐代粮食政策及其实际运作浅析

唐王朝把粮食视为基本的宏观调控物资、社会保障物资、财政支持物资及战略储备物资,把粮食运作当成治理国家的重要辅助手段。其对粮食政策的具体运用主要表现在四个方面：一、利用粮食敛散,实现宏观调控;二、通过赈济灾荒,维持社会稳定;三、作为财政手段,支持国家财政;四、作为战略物资,保障国家安全。这些措施在大唐帝国的治乱兴衰中扮演了重要角色。     

论政治法与法政治学——从政治与法律关系的契入

政治与法律之间存在密切的关系。法律的实在化、世俗化是法律政治化的进程。政治不仅以立法过程产生法律,而且是法律的权力基础,并在法律适用中发挥影响。政治的法治化是政治领域建立秩序并有效约束权力的关键,但是政治中也保留不受法律规制的领地。政治的法治化形成政治法这一部门法。交叉研究是西方法学与政治学的研究传统,批判法学是法学、政治学研究结合的典型代表;近年来,我国学者也提出法政治学范式。本文通过廓清政治与法律的关系,冀图明确法政治学的学科性质、研究范围及研究方法和工具。     

试论我国政治文明建设的基本内容

社会主义政治文明作为人类历史上最高类型的政治文明,应当吸收一切反映现代社会发展规律,尤其是民主政治发展规律的优秀的政治成果。这包括政治民意化(民益化)、政治民主化、政治参与化、政治公开化、政治商谈化、政治制约化、政治法治化(政治制度化、程序化等)、政治相对化。这八大方面是我国社会主义政治文明建设的基本内容。     

Redefining the 'Rural Question': The New 'Politics of the Rural' and Social Policy

Politics in the countryside has undergone a significant shift in emphasis in recent decades, which may be characterized as a transition from ‘rural politics’ to ‘a politics of the rural’. Whereas ‘rural politics’ refers broadly to politics located in rural space, or relating to ‘rural issues’, the ‘politics of the rural’ is defined by the centrality of the meaning and regulation of rurality itself as the primary focus of conflict and debate. However, far from marginalizing social issues – as early work on the new rural conflicts by Mormont implied – the paper argues that the new politics of the rural has liberated rural social policy from the shadow of agricultural policy, providing a new language and context through which rural social issues can be placed on the political agenda. Three examples of this are discussed, drawing on illustrations from Britain, Australia, New Zealand and North America – conflicts over the rationalization of public and commercial services in rural communities; campaigns around the closure of rural schools and their symbolic place at the heart of rural communities; and issues of difference and discrimination in the countryside, including responses to travellers and asylum‐seekers.     

巴基斯坦的宗教、政治与极端主义

本文从巴基斯坦国内政治与宗教的互动、国际政治与国内宗教的互动以及政治—宗教动员与宗教政党的互动考察了巴基斯坦宗教、政治与极端主义的关系。巴基斯坦政治与宗教的互动走过了一段从政府培植、利用宗教力量到完全失控的过程;国际政治与巴基斯坦国内宗教的互动推进了走向极端主义的步伐;宗教政党对于政治、法律、学校、军队、外交等方面的渗透,使宗教战斗性加强,宗教极端主义和好战的原教旨主义于是将国家一步一步地推向深渊。巴基斯坦重回温和、改良的宗教传统,任重而道远。     

What Happens When Authoritarians Inherit the Earth? A Simulation

Two runs of a futuristic simulation involving introductory psychology students were held on successive nights. On one night, "Earth" was populated entirely by right-wing authoritarian followers; on the second night, a small number of dominating authoritarians were included among a second group of authoritarian followers. With a few notable exceptions (e.g., nuclear war did not break out), the future evolved as anticipated on the two evenings. In general, authoritarians produced dismal futures, beset by unemployment, famine, and disease.     

抗争、民主与治理:全球治理下的抗争政治研究

随着20世纪60年代西方社会运动的兴起,西方国家的国内政治由此发展出有别于常规制度、正式政治的独特政治形态——抗争政治。诸多的理论认为,这一政治形态对其国内政治的民主和治理都具有积极的促进作用。本文通过对抗争政治历程的研究,指出:一方面,全球化及反全球化运动、全球风险社会都使得全球政治和治理发生大转型,由此引发全球社会运动,抗争从国内走向国际;而另一方面,抗争功能也具有局限性。同时认为,国内和国际层面上的抗争政治,关注全球抗争与民主、治理的关系,呈现出与常规政治不同的性质、特点和功能,具有重大的理论和实践价值。     

英国浸礼会与近代山西社会变迁论纲

英国浸礼会自李提摩太1878年开辟山西教区后,先后设立了太原、忻州、代州三大总站,发展教徒,在晋传教长达70余年,成为山西规模较大的新教差会;浸礼会为打开布道局面,在活动地区开设崇实学校、博爱医院等著名的教会学校、医院,促进了近代山西社会的早期现代化;浸礼会传教士还参与山西灾荒战乱救济,反对妇女缠足,推动山西社会乡村改良,并积极倡导禁烟。英国浸礼会在山西活动虽然带有传播宗教的功利动机,但其活动却成为山西社会变迁的重要影响因素,成为中西文化交流的桥梁。