论1949-1956年党对私人资本主义政策的意义和启示

1949-1956年党对私人资本主义政策的制定和实施,具有重要的理论意义和实践意义,它丰富和发展了科学社会主义理论,是国际共产主义运动史上的伟大创举,是新时期党关于资本主义和私营经济思想的理论先导.通过对1949-1956年党对私人资本主义政策的全面研究,可以得到很多深刻的启示(1)利用资本主义是社会主义初级阶段必须长期坚持的基本国策;(2)在为私营经济提供广阔发展空间的同时,应加强管理;(3)国有企业和私营企业的竞争应该是一种有利于各自发展的良性竞争.     

“文明体”与“上层结构”：两种视角下的悖论对韦伯与布罗代尔资本主义观的比较

布罗代尔与韦伯的资本主义观互相矛盾。韦伯把资本主义看作一个文明体 ,从文化与宗教的角度理解资本主义 ,认为理性化是资本主义产生的关键因素 ,资本主义文明是人类的进步 ;布罗代尔把资本主义当作上层结构 ,从政治 -经济的角度批判性地解释资本主义 ,认为资本主义只是一小部分人的特权。理论预设与分析视角的不同是二者观点分歧的根源。     

资本主义和社会主义:趋同还是相斥?

在运用“资本主义”和“社会主义”这两个术语之前 ,必须约定它们的基本涵义 ,否则就不能在现代概念的各种不同意见分歧中确定研究方向。众所周知 ,在马克思主义的社会理论中 ,这两个术语被用来表示“原始公社制度、奴隶占有制度、封建制度、资本主义制度和共产主义制度”历史系列中彼此相互连接的两种社会经济结构 ,并且 ,共产主义制度的第一阶段叫做社会主义 ,它还带有资本主义制度的胎记。社会发展的进化理论认为 ,人类社会的历史演化是由低级向高级分阶段地逐步前进的 ,该理论的拥护者正是在上述术语的这个最初涵义中运用这些术语的。有…     

儒商与资本主义精神

现在的中国是商品社会,与老百姓打交 道最多的是商家,日常生活、柴米油盐都离 不开商,因此发生纠纷最多的也是在消费者和商家之间。发生纠纷的原因几乎全是商品和服务的质量与商家的承诺不相符合,甚至差距极大,所以投诉者也几乎全是消费者。具有讽刺意味的是,成交前被尊为上帝的消费者,成交后立刻变为奴仆。消费者投诉商家如同奴仆状告主人一样,不到万般无奈,是不会有此一举的。投诉了,多数也得不到满意的答复,商家总有各种各样的理由推卸责任。这使我想起了中国传统社会的儒商和现代资本主义社会的商人。     

促进我国城乡经济协调发展的制度创新

缩小城乡区域差距,理顺城乡关系,是农民群众的迫切要求,是构建和谐社会的必由之路,也是确保区域经济协调发展的自然选择.要使城乡经济保持协调发展状态,从制度创新角度来看,宜着重做好以下几点:一是改革户籍制度,消除城乡分割格局,为农村剩余劳动力转移扫清障碍.二是改革财政体制,打破城乡分割的二元机制,建立城乡统一的财政运行模式,加大财政对促进农业发展的支持.三是改革税收制度,实行城乡统一的税收动作方式,切实减轻农民的税收负担.四是改革社会保障制度,拓宽基金来源,实施多层次的覆盖系统,建立城乡有机衔接的社会保障体系.     

State-Monopoly Capitalism and Bourgeois Political Economy

The point of departure in a critical analysis of current economic theories of monopoly capitalism is the undisputed fact that they reflect objective reality and that this objective reality is distorted and often deformed in these theories because bourgeois science is inherently incapable of understanding the real essence of social development. (1)     

全球自觉资本主义:从自觉的角度透视经济管理和经济责任

今天,日益增长的全球资本主义经济是一张复杂的动态的网络,这个网络由社会、文化以及反映我们个人和大众的意识的经济体制构成。随着意识创造并联结了所有事物这一观点被人们日渐认可,以及全球责任感的增强,资本主义经济体制可以切实地被改变,从而促进经济的长期繁荣。     

State Monopoly Capitalism and the Working Class

A comprehensive Marxist-Leninist analysis of state monopoly capitalism offers the key to understanding the most important economic and political trends in contemporary bourgeois society and to developing proper strategy and tactics for the revolutionary struggle of the working class.     

告别i奴：富士康、数字资本主义与网络劳工抵抗

什么是数字资本主义条件下的世界工厂？它与过去的资本主义世界体系有何区别,又有何关联？在互联网和智能手机的时代,劳工真能形成自己的网络,抵御资本吗？本文以史鉴今,首先回顾17世纪“大西洋三角贸易”的奴隶制世界体系,再讨论当代富士康劳工问题、“21世纪奴隶制”及其内在的新三角贸易结构。四百年沧海桑田,不料在变劳工为奴隶这个问题上,无论是实证材料的细节,还是世界资本主义体系的宏观层面,依然存在种种勾连。文章在此基础上勾勒出网络化抵抗与新三角团结关系,并强调：劳工研究需要重新认识过去,让思想在全球历史的长河中重新扎根。 在关注生产过程之外,还须重视消费,特别是虚拟空间里的生产性消费行为。     

Capitalism Takes Command: The Social Transformation of Nineteenth-Century America

R. Po‐chia Hsia, Society and Religion in Münster, 1535–1618? (1984), xiv+306 (Yale University Press, £22.50).

David Sabean, Power in the Blood: Popular Culture and Village Discourse in Early Modern Germany (1984), x+250 (Cambridge University Press, £22.50).

William Beik, Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth‐Century France. State Power and Provincial Aristocracy in Languedoc (1985), xvii+375 (Cambridge University Press, £30.00).

K. D. M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor. Social Change and Agrarian England 1660–1900 (1985), x+464 (Cambridge University Press, £30.00). Alun Howkins, Poor Labouring Men. Rural Radicalism in Norfolk 1870–1923 (1985), xiv+225 (Routledge &; Kegan Paul for History Workshop Series, paperback £7.95).

William Reddy, The Rise of Market Culture. The French Textile Trade, 1750–1900 (1984), viii+406 (Cambridge University Press, £25.00).

Neville Kirk, The Growth of Working‐Class Reformism in Mid‐Victorian England (1985), xiii+369 (Croom Helm, £22.50).

Geoffrey Crossick and Heinz‐Gerhard Haupt (eds), Shopkeepers and Master Artisans in Nineteenth‐Century Europe (1984), xii+283 (Methuen, £17.50).

Marzio Barbagli, Sotto lo Stesso Tetto: Mutamenti della famiglia in Italia dal XV al XX secolo (1984), 5+557 (I1 Mulino, Bologna, n.p.)‐ (Under the Same Roof: Changes in the Family in Italy from the Fifteenth to the Twentieth Century.)

David I. Kertzer, Family Life in Central Italy, 1880–1910: S hare cropping, Wage Labor and Coresidence (1984), vii+250 (Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, New Jersey, n.p.).

Rose L. Glickman, Russian Factory Women: Workplace and Society, 1880–1914 (1984), xiii+325 (University of California Press, £26.20).

David J. Jeremy (ed.), Dictionary of Business Biography (1984), I and II, 878 and 690 (Butterworths, £65.00 per volume).

John Turner (ed.), Businessmen and Politics: Studies of Business Activity in British Politics, 1900–1945 (1984), 200 (Heinemann, £18.50).     

功利主义：资本主义文化矛盾的根源

功利主义的意义并不在于它是一种关于市场和国家的理论,也不在于它是一种道德理论,而在于它是一种显而易见的文化理论。然而,功利主义无法作为资本主义文化问题的解决办法,而只能是资本主义文化问题的重要构成因素,或者说是其他文化理论借以界定自身的社会文化背景。     

Trust,Capitalism and Contract in English Economic History: 1500-1750

As most market transactions involved the extension of informal credit because of a lack of ready cash, this meant that interpersonal trust was of central importance, and, as a result, a reputation for honesty and fair dealing in the community was vital to being successful. Money was used only in a limited number of exchanges, and credit, in the form of household reputation, was a “cultural currency” of trust used to transact most business. Trust, belief, and credit all went together, and no distinction was made between economic and social credit, as credit produced wealth and status of the middling sort. As the market expanded in the late sixteenth century, networks of credit became more intertwined over longer geographical distances, and thus trust became more problematic, and disputes over debts led to contention. These produced an enormous amount of litigation as the common law was increasingly used to enforce contracts. This led to much downward mobility through over-indebtedness, which reinforced the social importance of having good credit, and consequently the culture of credit became increasingly legalised. Although competition for credit together with the need to maintain household profitability put stress on the social maintenance of trust in the market, the economy could not work without it. As a result, the increase in commerce was seen as an essentially sociable activity because it required trust. Trust gradually came to be interpreted as the basis of justice, and the necessity of keeping promises, as the foundation of all social organisation. But by 1750 litigation had collapsed to a very low level, and self- control and politeness on the part of rational individuals came to play a more important role in dispute settlement than legal means. Whereas in the early modern period conflict occurred and was dealt with after its occurrence, self-control aimed to prevent inter-personal conflict and litigation before they happened. As a result, the concepts of “capital” and “savings” developed in the eighteenth century, and the structure of credit networks was changed.     

Shape Shifting Capital: New Management and the Bodily Metaphors of Spiritual Capitalism

There is a burgeoning and increasingly institutionalized discourse within organizational theory and business practice dedicated to exploring the intersections of “religion” and “spirituality” at work. Turning especially to the broadly influential management theory of Margaret Wheatley, I locate “spiritual” management within a contemporary management ethos characterized by both an increasing interest in transitive phenomena and pre‐conscious understanding and the wholesale deregulation of industrial metaphors for society in favor of holistic, cybernetic and global metaphors for a networked society. Turning to the phenomenological and existential anthropology of the anthropologist, Michael Jackson, I argue that social theories, whether industrial or post‐industrial, can never claim a full and final grasp over the total processes of life itself. Methodologically, I argue that we might seek to attend to the personal and social dimensions of new “workplace spirituality” contexts by paying careful empirical attention to the practical deployments and personalizations of the lived metaphors of “spiritual” capitalism, considered for these purposes to be important “patterns of intersubjective experience”. What Jackson refers to as “phenomenological and existential deconstruction” has a political edge to it because it always seeks to force abstract theory into a more empirically grounded relationship with life as it is actually lived. As Marx and various critical theories have suggested, the particular experiences of workers often resist and confound the sanitized and universalized ideologies of capital.     

“官场+市场”与中国增长故事

本文运用和拓展了“官场+市场”理论,重新解析中国独具特色的经济增长机制以及政府与市场的互动模式。地方官员之间围绕着辖区经济发展的官场竞争嵌入在不同辖区企业之间的市场竞争之中,而辖区企业参与的市场竞争又嵌入在官场竞争之中。作为一种分析框架,“官场+市场”的理论贡献在于揭示了政府与市场的良性互动、政企的有效合作必备的三个条件,即内部的政治激励（“把事做对”）、外部的市场约束（“防止做坏事”）和必要的信息反馈（“做对的事”）。中国“官场+市场”的增长模式在总体上提供了这三个关键条件,在最积极的意义上实现了辖区内政治企业家与民间企业家精神的结合,政治精英与经济精英的结合,中国历史悠久的官僚政治传统与西方国家市场经济传统的结合,为我们揭示中国增长之谜开辟了新的视角。     

辽宁人的低碳贡献·生活篇

<正>低碳生活先把入口关有这样一份资料,说一个人一生要消耗的食物,总重量与6头大象相仿。平均到年,一个成年人大概要吃掉88公斤肉,相当于排放3212千克二氧化碳;