论国际多边对非合作框架下的中国对非战略

21世纪以来,国际对非多边合作开始呈现出新的趋势,具体表现在:合作领域扩大,合作层次深化,制度化趋势加强,合作形式更加多样。这在很大程度上改变着国际社会与非洲关系的结构与性质,同时也影响着中非关系的发展。如何在国际对非多边合作的框架下发展中非关系,以及如何在发展中非关系过程中处理与国际多边的关系已经成为中国外交面临的重要问题,中国应该调整观念,明确和完善未来的对非多边战略,并制定具体的应对之策。     

Interparental Conflict and Preschoolers' Peer Relations: The Moderating Roles of Temperament and Gender

The relations between destructive interparental conflict (IPC) and three‐ to six‐year‐olds’ (N = 62) peer relations were examined as a function of child temperament and gender. Regression analyses indicated that effortful control moderated the relations of IPC with children's amount of peer interaction as well as with their problematic relations with peers. Specifically, high IPC was associated with low amount of interaction and high problematic relations for preschoolers low in effortful control, but it was related to high amount of interaction and low problems for those high in effortful control. Additionally, gender differences in the relations between IPC and the amount of peer interaction indicated that IPC was negatively related to the amount of interaction for girls but positively related to the amount for boys. The findings highlight the need for examining individual differences in the relations between IPC and the development of early peer relations.     

中俄日三角关系的互动规律

近年来,中日关系的不稳定引发俄日、中俄关系的变化。本文通过对中俄日三角关系及其相互影响规律的研究,认为日本加强与俄罗斯的合作有着多层的战略考虑,其基本意图是满足国内经济需求,改善日俄关系,平衡中国的崛起。从长远来看,日本虽极力拉拢俄罗斯,但对中俄两国合作产生的负面作用有限,中俄关系的发展前景更为乐观。在中俄战略协作伙伴关系不断加强的趋势下,中俄日三角关系的互动始终呈现两边长、一边短的状态,这与日本和美国建立、发展紧密的同盟关系,从而对中俄两国构成直接的安全威胁有关。受中俄日三角关系特点的制约,东北亚地区的多边合作很难展开。     

族际互动下族群关系的调查研究——以宁夏回族自治区灵武市宁东镇回汉关系为例

随着全球化与现代化进程加快,族际间的互动正变得十分频繁。作为宁夏的工业开发区,宁东地区的族群关系有其突出的特点。以宁夏回族自治区灵武市宁东镇的回汉关系为个案,对族群关系进行调查研究,旨在了解该地族际互动下的族群关系。从民族社会学角度看,研究族际互动下的族群关系,就不得不提到族际通婚、族际迁移、族际冲突等诸多问题。     

认知结构平衡理论视角下的三边关系研究

三边关系是国际关系中的一个研究课题。中美苏战略三角、中美欧、中美日、中美印和中美台关系等都是国际关系三边关系研究中的热门研究对象。但是主流的三边关系理论主要是强调国家权力的分配和国家利益对国家间互动关系的影响,忽视了国家的认同、认知等观念和心理因素对国家权力、利益和国家间互动关系的作用。因此,本文援引心理学的结构平衡理论,强调国家间认知关系分配构成的认知结构对国家间互动关系的影响,既可以从宏观层面分析三边互动关系,又可以从微观层面分析国家间关系对国家对外政策和决策的影响,力图提供一种不同的分析三边关系的路径。     

微博空间组织间网络结构及其形成机制：以环保NGO为例

本文使用社会网络分析技术探索微博空间中环保非政府组织间关注/认同关系网的结构,并结合组织间网络、社会运动联盟、互联网研究文献以及我国非政府组织管理制度来探究网络结构的形成机制。研究发现,非政府组织间存在紧密的虚拟联系。统计分析显示,组织间虚拟关系受网络自组织机制、组织资源、合适性原则（注册状态）、同质性原则（离线关系、地理位置、关注领域）和微博使用活跃程度等因素的影响。其中,资源发挥“信号”功能,是组织可信赖性的基础,资源未知者不容易被关注/认同。对于资源已知者而言,资源匮乏者更积极利用微博平台。未注册组织主动与其他组织建立关系,注册组织则避免与未注册组织建立关系。具有线下合作关系或处于同一省份的组织之间更可能建立关注和认同关系,但活动领域仅对认同关系具有影响。微博使用活跃程度也对组织间关系具有正向的影响。     

Nature, Rationale, and Effectiveness of Education for Coexistence

Coexistence is a state of mind shared by society members who recognize the rights of another group to exist peacefully as a legitimate, equal partner with whom disagreements have to be resolved in nonviolent ways. Achieving coexistence is a great challenge because of the negative relations between the two groups. These negative relations, the result of ethnocentric beliefs or intractable conflict, are widely shared and their abolition requires deep societal change. Education for coexistence plays an important function in this change. The article suggests that when negative relations are based on ethnocentrism, education for coexistence plays a major role in changing the nature of the relations. But when negative relations derive from intergroup conflict, education for coexistence has less influence.     

Welfare Policies and the Construction of Welfare Relations in a Residual Welfare State: The Case of Hong Kong

Each welfare system has its own welfare relations for shaping and maintaining certain types of welfare practices and welfare ideologies. Welfare relations concern the distribution of welfare responsibilities among various social institutions, the public's welfare expectations and entitlements, and the status of welfare recipients. Welfare policies, which are a legal basis of the dominant class's philosophy as well as a mechanism for policing welfare recipients' use of benefits, play an important role in shaping and constructing the welfare relations of a country. This paper discusses how welfare policies construct the required welfare relations with regard to Hong Kong's social security system. It is argued that the persistence of Hong Kong's residual welfare model is partly based on the residual welfare relations which facilitate family-centred and market-oriented welfare practices.     

国际关系民主化与全球新秩序:全球化视野下的考察

后冷战时期的国际关系秩序处于重建的过程中,全球化推动的国际关系民主化体现了一种新的国际关系价值观和秩序观。以民主价值和民主精神建构国际关系是必要的,也存在很大的困难,但必须对传统的民主理论做出必要的修正。考虑到国际关系的内在结构,世界主义民主可能是实现国际关系民主化的一种可行的制度和结构。     

Labor-Environmental Relations: An Analysis of the Relationship between Labor Unions and Environmentalists

Objective. I seek to assess the quality of relations between labor unions and environmental organizations and to identify economic, political, and organizational factors that influence those relations. Methods. A survey of state labor leaders was conducted in order to determine the quality of relations between unions and environmental organizations around the United States. Ordinary least squares regression is used to identify associations between state level economic and political indicators and the quality of labor-environmental relations. Results. Relations between labor unions and environmentalists are generally positive. Except for the timber industry, there is no evidence of hostility between environmentalists and unions in industries that may be threatened with job loss due to environmental measures. Republican control of state government and labor-industry cooperation are associated with poor labor-environmental relations. Conclusions. Popular beliefs about entrenched "jobs versus the environment" conflict are largely unfounded. Instances of conflict between unions and environmental advocates are rare and largely isolated in certain employment sectors. Although unions and environmentalists share certain interests, Republican political control reduces cooperation between these two constituencies. Unions can be seen as situated between employers and environmentalists in regard to environmental issues. Cooperation with employers results in poorer relations between unions and environmentalists.     

中国与东盟的经贸关系:2006年回顾暨2007年展望

回顾2006年在中国和东盟双方政治互信进一步加强,战略伙伴关系深入发展背景下,双方经贸关系发展所取得的主要成果,对2007年可能影响双方经贸关系的若干因素作了分析和判断。在此基础上,对2007年双方经贸关系的走向作了展望,指出在东亚经济合作出现新机遇和世界及东亚地区经济继续保持快速增长情况下,中国和东盟经贸关系将快步向前发展。     

美印经贸关系的现状、特点及前景

近年来，美印经贸关系取得了长足进展，突出表现是贸易和投资领域发展快速、高科技和能源领域合作成为亮点、经济互补性强以及合作走向机制化。美印经贸关系的进一步发展面临印度经济环境欠佳、双边贸易摩擦不断以及知识产权纠纷等很多问题，但在相互战略需求和经济利益驱动等因素的作用下，美印经贸关系将会持续稳定发展。     

Looking Back as We Look Ahead: Integrating Research, Theory, and Practice on Intergroup Relations

This article looks back at the origins of intergroup relations in social psychology just over 50 years ago. Pioneers in the field—Robin Williams, Gordon Allport, and Kurt Lewin—were all deeply concerned with integrating social science and social action. We seek to re-center this mutuality of research and practice, and to expand the focus of intergroup relations from prejudice reduction to social inclusion. The articles in this issue document cutting-edge research, theory, and practice, and make substantive contributions to the future of intergroup relations. A unique feature of this issue is a set of commentaries by prominent scholars and practitioners in the fields of intergroup relations and education. Walter Stephan, James Banks, Thomas Pettigrew, and Patricia Gurin each reflect on the collection of articles through the lens of their own personal and professional biographies to help define the intersections of research, theory, and practice on intergroup relations.     

Leadership as Relationship

The article reviews the various ramifications in the discussion on leadership, focusing on the view of leadership as relationships between leaders and followers. Three main types of leader-follower relations are discussed, and their specific characteristics are described: regressive relations, symbolic relations, and developmental relations. After analyzing the major implications, as well as the conceptual limitations, of these perspectives, the article suggests directions for a more integrative conceptualization of leader-follower relations.     

探索建立新型外交关系的历程

自从中华人民共和国成立时起,与世界各国在平等的基础上建立起新型外交关系便是中国政府矢志不渝的目标。20世纪50年代中期,周恩来创造性地提出和平共处五项原则,言简意赅地概括出新型国家关系的总体特征。至70年代上半期,中国与世界上大多数国家建立起正常的外交关系。至世纪之交,中国建立起全方位的对外关系格局,与各方面的关系都显示出新的特点。中国以渐进的方式推动国际秩序的进步,积极倡导合作、共赢与和谐。     

论“地区”视域下中日安全关系的演变脉络

中日安全关系的发展,不仅在两国双边关系中占据重要地位,而且对两国所处地区环境的和平与稳定发挥了重要作用。自1972年中日邦交正常化以来,两国关系的发展实践不断丰富着地区概念的内涵。基于“地区”视域,中日安全关系的演变脉络星现出明显的阶段性变化:从“反对地区霸权”共识下的友好合作,转为“东亚安全治理”框架下的相互警惕认知,直至“跨域秩序构建”进程中的大国战略博弈。中"两国有关地区秩序构建的概念认知与路径选择,正在深刻地影响着彼此间安全关系的发展趋势,需要双方采取积极措施来共同构建新型地区安全关系。     

The Collective Transformation of Labor Relations and Improvement of the Government＇s Labor Policy

中国的劳动关系正由个别劳动关系调整向集体劳动关系调整转型。《劳动合同法》的颁布实施，标志着中国劳动关系的个别调整在法律建构上已经初步完成，同时也开启了劳动关系集体调整的新起点。现实中的个别劳动关系建构和调整，已经无法解决劳资矛盾和维系劳动关系的稳定。在劳动关系集体化转型的过程中，有两种互补的力量和途径：一是政府主导的自上而下的建构过程，二是劳动者自发的自下而上的促进过程。从权利争议到利益争议，是劳动关系集体化转型的重要特点。中国的劳工政策亟待调整和完善，内容包括劳动关系理论指导和调整模式的选择、集体劳动法的健全、劳动者集体权利的确认以及两种劳工力量的关系处理等。     

The Collective Transformation of Labor Relations and Improvement of the Government’s Labor Policy

China is currently undergoing a transition from individual to collective labor relations. The enactment of the Labor Contract Law marks the initial completion of adjustments to individual labor relations in terms of legal construction, as well as the starting point for the adjustment of collective labor relations. The construction and regulation of individual labor relations is not sufficient to resolve the conflict between labor and capital or to maintain industrial peace. In the shift toward collective labor relations there are two complementary forces and paths: the government-led top-down construction process, and the workers’ spontaneous bottom-up mobilization. The shift from disputes over rights to disputes over interests is an important characteristic of the transition toward collective labor relations. Chinese labor policy urgently needs to be reconstructed and refined. Its content should include the guiding role of labor relations theory and choice of adjustment models, sound collective labor law, recognition of the collective rights of workers, handling of the relationship of labor’s two forces, etc.     

Differences Between Men and Women in Social Relations, Resource Deficits, and Depressive Symptomatology During Later Life in Four Nations

This article examines gender differences in social relations and resource deficits in France ( N = 553), Germany ( N = 516), Japan ( N = 491), and the United States ( N = 514). These data, from regionally representative samples, indicate few gender differences in quantity or quality of social relations, but that women are more likely than men to experience widowhood, illness, and financial strain. In all countries, more deficits and more negative social interactions are associated with higher levels of depressive symptoms. Interestingly, among women in France and Japan but not among men in any country, quality of social relations offsets the negative consequences of resource deficits. Findings suggest that quality of social relations may have important implications for helping people, particularly women, cope with resource deficits common in late life.     

Political influence in multi-choice institutions: cyclicity,anonymity, and transitivity

We study political influence in institutions where each member chooses a level of support for a collective goal. These individual choices determine the degree to which the goal is reached. Influence is assessed by newly defined binary relations, each of which ranks members on the basis of their relative performance at a corresponding level of participation. For institutions with three options (e.g., voting games in which each voter may vote “yes”, “abstain”, or vote “no”), we obtain three influence relations, and show that their strict components may be cyclic. This latter property describes a “paradox of power” which contrasts with the transitivity of the unique influence relation of binary voting games. Weak conditions of anonymity suffice for each of these relations to be transitive. We also obtain a necessary and sufficient condition for each of these relations to be complete. Further, we characterize institutions in which the rankings induced by these relations, and the Banzhaf–Coleman and Shapley–Shubik power indices coincide. We argue that extending the influence relations to firms would be useful in efficiently assigning workers to different units of production. Finally, we provide applications to various forms of political and economic organizations.