Hochschulentwicklung und Bürgerrechte in der BRD und der DDR

The universities in the Federal Republic of Germany are expanding more or less continuously since the 1950s; the expansion of those in the German Democratic Republic, by contrast, stagnated since 1971. The two patterns of educational development are due to different normative concepts of the social order. Educational policy in socialist East Germany gave institutional expression to the belief in objective laws of social development and hence in an objective demand for highly qualified manpower. In this normative context higher education took on a particular meaning and functions, provoked serious social conflicts and was finally reduced by political decree. In the Federal Republic, by contrast, freedom of educational and occupational choice prevailed, and the former elitist academic education was popularized. At the same time the culture of professionalism expanded in the world of work. In this process higher education turned into a matter of universal social interest.     

‘To Infinity and Beyond…’: The American Vernacular and Democratic Space

Abstract

The spatial strategies adopted by the founding fathers of the American Republic are examined and their political roots and consequences explored. In particular the reasons for the neo-classical style becoming prominent are questioned, and whether that style was an appropriate spatial strategy for democratization. An analysis is presented of how American writing and literature was a forum for the working out of the questions of expansion into, and settlement in, new space.     

Legitimation,Consent, and Antifeminism

Antifeminists have developed a legitimation theory that justifies, informs, and enhances their politics. Whereas early American conservatives opposed consent theory because it justified political equality, contemporary antifeminists have adopted and adapted consent theory to articulate and promote different rights and responsibilities for women and men. This article traces the history of consent theory in sexual politics. It suggests that the social contract philosophers and the Founding Fathers systematically excluded women from consent. Early American feminists adopted consent theory to legitimate political equality between the sexes only to discover that political equality stopped far short of gender equality. The innovation of the antifeminists today lies in their use of consent theory to justify the political inclusion of women in politics in order to legitimate their subordination in the social realm.     

Policy with respect to aliens and migration research in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1973-1983

The development of policy concerning aliens in the Federal Republic of Germany is described for the period 1973 to 1983. Consideration is given to policy at both the federal and state levels and to policy differences among the main political parties. The author also describes current research on the migration of workers in Germany, including what policymakers hope to get from such research, the main problems in the areas on which research is focused, how researchers view the demand for and current state of research, and what has been the theoretical output from such research.     

A Matter of Time: Examining Collective Memory in Historical Perspective in Postwar Berlin

Abstract  This article examines how officially designated memorial sites marking resistance to and persecution by the Nazi regime in Berlin have changed in the postwar era. Clearly the content of memorial culture changes over time. So, however, do the political and bureaucratic channels through which memorial landscapes themselves are created, and thus the avenues through which states (in this case the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic) construct landscapes of official collective memory. Such an analysis reveals not only the changes and continuities in the form and content of official representations, but also the changing relationship between a state, its people, and the collection of officially approved objects in the urban landscape designed to convey representations of a city's and a country's past. Looking closely at these intersections also makes clear that the landscape of official memorials must not be identical with collective memory understood more broadly.     

Military Triumph, Racial Transcendence, and Colin Powell

A "black kid of no early promise," Colin Powell became the youngestgeneral in the U.S. Army, and then in short order national securityadvisor, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the nation’ssecretary of state. What does this extraordinary story revealabout contemporary American political life? Analyzing surveyssupplied by the National Election Study and the National BlackElection Study, we first establish that Powell’s rapidrise to prominence is matched by his remarkable popularity amongthe American public. Next, we develop and test two possibleexplanations for Powell’s popularity. One supposes thatthe secret to Powell’s high standing with the public liesin his association with success on the battlefield: Powell asthe victorious general. The other explanation invokes racialprogress, the disappearance of racism among whites, and thedecline of identity politics among blacks: Powell as raciallytranscendent. In the final section of the article, informedby our results, we offer some speculations about American politicstoday—about the political implications of military accomplishmentand about the multiplicity of conditions that are required forAmericans to "see through" race.     

The various forms,reasons and motivations for return migration of persons who voluntarily decide to return to their countries of origin

In the Federal Republic of Germany, the government's efforts to integrate foreigners wishing to stay in the country have as a precondition that the number of foreigners taken as a whole will remain at approximately the same level. In September 1974, the foreign resident population in the Federal Republic of Germany amounted to about 4.127 million; by September 1985 it had risen to 4.365 million. Behind this slight increase is hidden a considerable flow of migrants in both directions. During the period 1974-1984, there were a record 4.774 million arrivals and 5.124 million departures. Thus, the increase in the foreign resident population is attributable entirely to the foreign children born. Since 1% of foreigners are expelled, the 5.1 million departures were almost exclusively voluntary decisions to return to their countries of origin. A bill adopted by the Federal Government in 1983, and which expired in 1984, promoted the willingness of migrants in the Federal Republic of Germany to return to their countries of origin. 2 of its particularly strong incentives follow: 1) Return assistance for all foreigners who had become unemployed as a result of bankruptcy and the closing down of a factory or firm for foreigners who had worked at least 6 months on shortened hours was covered. If a foreigner and his family permanently left the Republic before September 30, 1984, he received DM 10,500 plus DM 1500 for each dependent child. About 39,000 foreigners together with their families returned to their home countries with this incentive. 2) Payment of the employers' contribution to the official social security fund was made. More than 250,000 foreigners together with their families left the Republic under this scheme. Another bill to provide returning foreigners with building savings loans for housing construction is expected to go into effect at the beginning of 1986. Foreigners from other than the European Community member states are entitled to benefit from this plan. Loans are not to exceed DM 60,000 and will be paid out up to the end of 1993.     

Sophistication and the Antecedents of Whites' Racial Policy Attitudes: Racism, Ideology, and Affirmative Action in America

A number of researchers have argued that the effects of prejudiceon the racial policy attitudes and general political beliefsof white Americans may be restricted to the poorly educatedand politically unsophisticated. In contrast, rather than beingmotivated by prejudice, the racial policy attitudes and ideologicalvalues of the politically sophisticated white Americans shouldbe more firmly informed and motivated by the tolerant valuesat the heart of American political culture. These values includesuch things as individualism, notions of fair play, and devotionto the principle of equality of opportunity. We tested thishypothesis using white respondents from the 1986 and 1992 NationalElection Studies. Our evidence generally indicated that racialpolicy attitudes and political ideology were more powerfullyassociated with ideologies of racial dominance and superiorityamong politically sophisticated white Americans than among politicalunsophisticated white Americans. Moreover, even among the sophisticated,we found that various forms of egalitarianism predicted supportfor—affirmative action and that support for equal opportunityis not uniformly distributed across the political spectrum.     

The Gavilleros of the East: Social Banditry as Political Practice in the Dominican Sugar Region, 1900–1924

Abstract This essay explores 'social banditry' as a form of political practice in relation to distinct regimes of power; regional, national, and imperialist. The eastern region of the Dominican Republic experienced a rapid rise of land values and conversion of peasant smallholdings into sugar cane lields at the start of the twentieth century. Roving bands of 'outlaws' called 'gavilleros' appeared almost immediately, and came under increasing, and different, scrutiny during the years 1916–1924, when United States Marines occupied the Republic. This essay considers the political and social dimensions of gavillero conduct as it was transformed-and transformed itself-during the first quarter of the twentieth century.     

Totalitarianism in America? Robert Nisbet on the “Wilson War State” and Beyond

This article examines Robert Nisbet’s claim that the first totalitarian experiment of the twentieth century occurred not in the Soviet Union or in Nazi Germany, but in the United States during the First World War. Totalitarianism appeared in the form of mass propaganda, surveillance and repression. It was accompanied by a messianic desire of Woodrow Wilson and his team to transform America into a “national community.” By 1920, American totalitarianism was effectively at an end but, claimed Nisbet, it left a legacy of centralization that, over successive Democratic and Republican administrations, has stripped the Republic’s citizens of social authority and independence; the political trumped the social. Nisbet’s depiction of American totalitarianism is contrasted with Hannah Arendt’s argument that totalitarianism, thus far in history, is restricted to Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union under Stalin.     

Parents, Politics and the Public Purse: activists in the special education arena in Germany

Using a 'social interest' approach, this paper details the advocacy strategies of parents of children with disabilities in the Federal Republic of Germany during the 1980s. Parents developed grass-roots organizations beginning in the 1970s in the former West Germany in response to the stigma and isolation of the well-developed system of Sonderschulen (special schools). Parent groups described here include both those with children already in the Sonderschulen working to ensure its promise of special help for their children and those working to bypass the Sonderschule system by establishing model integration programs in the general schools. The collective actions that led to local successes for both these parent advocate approaches are documented, but so, too, are the obstacles the parents encountered in the broader political arena. Politicians continue to cite limited education budgets, especially following the unification of the two Germanys, and they also raise concerns which some parents share: that significant expansion of special educational support into the general schools could undermine the viability of the Sonderschulen . Thus, one political response to the integration movement has been to find places for some children with disabilities in the general schools, but accompanied by only minimal special education support.     

Accountability and nonprofit organizations: A historical perspective

American nonprofit organizations first developed in the nineteenth century as the organizational instruments through which Americans put their First Amendment freedoms of religion and political belief into practice. For one hundred years American nonprofits were held accountable by relatively small, compact communities of people who shared religious or other highly defined beliefs and values. In the twentieth century, many nonprofit organizations have grown very large and have adopted a scientific, general-service-to-the-community ethos. The legal, institutional, and cultural ideas and practices through which traditional nonprofits were, and are still, held accountable no longer seem to work equally well for the larger, more universal nonprofits of the late twentieth century.     

Robert Monroe Harrison,British Abolition,Southern Anglophobia and Texas Annexation

This article contributes to the larger project of situating the United States' struggle over slavery within the Atlantic World. Based on the public and private writings of Southern political leaders and the diplomatic correspondence of Robert Monroe Harrison, consul to Kingston, Jamaica, from 1831 until 1855, the article argues that Southern Anglophobia was a dominant factor in the movement to annex Texas to the United States. Britain's abolition of colonial slavery in her West Indian colonies was a seminal event for the American South. This was especially true for Harrison, a ‘native born Virginian’, who had a fearful personal experience with the abolition of slavery in Jamaica. Harrison came to believe that British abolitionism would be turned against American slavery and he shared his views with the State Department. He even feared that the British would use the West Indies as a staging ground for an attack on America with an emancipated black army that would sow insurrection in the South. Moreover, when several American ships involved in the coastal slave trade wrecked in the Bahamas, British colonial authorities freed the slaves, validating Harrison's central accusation. In 1842, on the slave ship Creole, a group of young men to be sold in New Orleans rebelled, seized control of the ship and made their way to the Bahamas. They had heard through the grapevine of the freedom to be gained there. The white South was outraged. From their perspective, Britain had not only expropriated American property, but now had also instigated violent rebellion. Southern political leaders within the Tyler Administration, especially the Secretaries of State Abel Upshur and then John Calhoun, were deeply concerned with British intentions. They believed that the Republic of Texas was the next target of British abolitionism, and in order to defend civilisation as they knew it, they launched the movement to annex Texas to the United States to protect and expand American slavery. They succeeded in 1845.     

Best Practice Options: Yugoslavia

Several Cooperative Efforts to Manage Emigration (CEME) members visited the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in early June 2001 to examine the new Government's approach to migration issues. We found that both the Federal Government and the Serb Republic are faced with three principal issues related to immigration and refugees that require substantial cooperation with North American and European countries that are donors of international aid, as well as recipients of Yugoslav migrants and third country nationals transiting the FRY.
First, they are faced with migration issues that the international community considers priorities, including demilitarizing border management; combating human smuggling and trafficking; and drafting and implementing an aliens law, which includes asylum policies and procedures consistent with international standards.
Second, they need to plan for the return or integration of 350,000 refugees from Croatia and Bosnia, and another 150,000 internally displaced Yugoslavs from Kosovo, primarily by offering dual citizenship in the FRY, and Croatia and Bosnia so refugees can integrate in the FRY, but retain rights and privileges according to Croatians or Bosnians.
Third, it is important to build bridges to Yugoslavs abroad in order to attract remittances and the return of the professionals needed to rebuild the FRY.     

Roads to American Empire: U.S. Military Public Works and Capitalist Transitions, 1898–1934.

Between 1898 and 1934, in synchronous and successive U.S. military interventions and occupations in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, American soldiers made public works, and especially roads, into a global technology of imperial power. This essay examines infrastructure as a factor in state formation and capitalist transition in these five different imperial spaces as a way to study U.S. empire, and its effects on foreign societies, through a comparative, global, and intra‐imperial approach often precluded by the methodological nationalism of historical and sociological literatures. Despite significant differences between these sites of U.S. war and occupation, both prior to American interventions and during them, U.S. military public works expressed and advanced a common political‐economic logic of state centralization and capital accumulation. Colonial and post‐colonial political institutions and political economies, the strength of central governments, the extent of plantation agriculture and rural proletarianization, world commodity markets, and geography and natural events varied, but determined U.S. imperial infrastructure's outcomes. By the 1930s, the U.S. military had elevated infrastructural improvement to a key repertoire of American imperial power in the world, and one which persisted as the United States turned away from formal colonialism in the era of the Cold War and decolonization.     

How Do Children Matter? A Comparison of Gender Earnings Inequality for Young Adults in the Former East Germany and the Former West Germany

The former Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and the former German Democratic Republic (East Germany) differed sharply in their family policies. We follow 1950s and early 1960s birth cohorts from their first jobs to 1989 to see in what ways having children affected earnings for women and men. For the FRG, we find that being a parent had stronger earnings effects (positive for men and negative for women) than in the GDR, with much of this impact mediated by employment hours for women. This does not mean that having children was unimportant for women's and men's earnings in the GDR, but it indicates that the less variable life course led to more society‐wide than individual‐level impact. Further, in the East, some young women balanced family and employment by taking jobs below their qualifications, and this reduced their earnings.     

Socialist Feminism in Latin America

The women's movement around the world takes many stances, including women's rights, feminism, women's research, women's auxilaries of political and religious organizations and socialist feminism. Because of its unique political and economic history, socialist feminism is the dominant emergent stance of the women's movement in Latin America. Brazil, Peru, and the Dominican Republic are examined. Socialist feminism is related to both the international women's movement, political trends within each county and constraints of the current political situation. Women's movements in other Latin American countries are also briefly discussed.     

Interview with Andrew Samuels

Andrew Samuels is Professor of Analytical Psychology at the University of Essex, Visiting Professor of Psychoanalytic Studies at Goldsmith's College, University of London and a Jungian Analyst in London. We were lucky to have Andrew participate very generously in the Brisbane Family Therapy Conference in September, 1998. Andrew has written widely on psychological and psychotherapeutic themes, and has opened up new areas around the relations between therapy and politics. In his book The Political Psyche (1993) he poses the questions: Is there a special psychology of and for politics and culture? If so, what does the clinical practice of analysis and therapy with individuals or small groups contribute to the forming of such a psychology? ... In what way is the personal political—and in what way is the political personal? We interviewed Andrew in Brisbane just one week before the 1998 Federal Election, with talk of Howard, Beazley and Hanson pervading conference conversations. It was a great time to have Andrew around. But first we had to clear up a few matters about Jung.     

Adoptive Parents and Identity Development for Chinese Children

Summary

In 1991, the People's Republic of China passed an Adoption Law that legalized the adoption of abandoned female infants. The majority of adopted parents were from the United States, which caused a major impact on parental childrearing practices. The lack of birth information forced these adoptive parents to prepare for questions concerning the shaping of identity development and formation. Research has documented the Chinese policy changes, parents' initial adjustment to bonding, and problems with special needs. But little attention has been paid thus far to identity development. This qualitative study examines the anticipated concerns and projected strategies in addressing the lack of birth information and identity development. The study found parents focusing on creating a birth heritage, instilling pride in Chinese culture, nurturing American backgrounds, addressing the orphan identity, and coping with special needs. Practice implications for theory building, practice innovations, and new research developments are discussed.     

Economic development: the middle class and international migration in the Dominican Republic

"The Dominican Republic is classified as one of a group of Latin American and Caribbean countries whose international migratory flows appear to be primarily composed of the urban middle class, rather than the rural poor. It is argued that Dominican middle class international migration has emerged as a partial solution to a political economic crisis that was dramatized by the April Revolution of 1965 and deepened through the 1970s with the failure of industrialization strategies to generate significant changes in the class structure."