Marginalizing the Self: A Study of Citizenship,Color, and Ethnoracial Identity in American Society

From 1870 to 1952, naturalization legislation in the United States of America restricted citizenship to “free white persons” and “persons of African nativity” or “African descent.” Individuals categorized as “members of the Mongolian race” or as of neither “free white” nor “African descent or nativity” were excluded from membership in the American political community and designated “aliens ineligible for citizenship in the United States.” Examination of the appellate and Supreme Court adjudications of these matters reveals a juridical rhetoric that functioned to marginalize all those declared ineligible for civic status. Although the reasoning process employed by the courts was not dissimilar from that arising whenever individual disparate aggregates must be classified according to a limited set of categories, in the situations under study, it produced and legitimated an invidious hierarchy of peoples, a race-prejudicial sense of vertical group position, and a fundamental departure from the universalistic and individualistic claims that defended America as a thoroughgoing civil society.     

Nativity,Duration of Residence,Citizenship, and Access to Health Care for Hispanic Children

This article examines differences in access to a regular source of health care for children of Hispanic subgroups within the United States. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the immigration status of the mother – including nativity, duration in the United States, and citizenship status – and its affect on access to health care for Hispanic children. Data are pooled from the National Health Interview Survey for 1999–2001 and logistic regression models are estimated to compare Mexican American, Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Other Hispanic children with non‐Hispanic whites and blacks. While initial disparities are recorded among the race/ethnic groups, in the final model, only Mexican American children display significantly less access to health care than non‐Hispanic whites. The combined influence of the mother's nativity, duration, and citizenship status explains much of the differentials in access to a regular source of care among children of Hispanic subgroups in comparison to non‐Hispanic whites.     

Citizenship of Roma after the split of Czechoslovakia: A social problem to be faced by other multinational states

The division of Czechoslovakia into two independent republics in 1993 has far-reaching implications for the citizenship rights of the Roma and Sinti minority population. During the period of so-called socialism, their situation developed very differently from that of related groups living in Western Europe as their cultural identity was totally destroyed by the paternalism of the communist regime. The fundamental political change in 1989, and the advent of a market economy, affected the Roma population more than other Czech citizens. With the ending of a joint federal nationality many Roma living on Czech territory, being regarded as of Slovak origin, lost their citizenship status totally. To acquire Czech citizenship stringent conditions were applied which they were unwilling or unable to meet. The discriminatory nature of the nationality law in the Czech Republic was criticized by European Union and human rights experts, and some non-governmental organizations have also taken up the case. This paper raises fundamental issues of legally sanctioned exclusion and discusses the implications of citizenship concepts for other post-communist countries.     

Factors Associated with the Poverty Status of Asian Immigrant Householders by Citizenship Status

As a response to changing profiles of the Asian population in the United States, this study examines the demographic, human capital, and acculturation factors that are associated with the official poverty status of Asian immigrant householders by their U.S. citizenship status. From the 1990 Census Public Use Microdata Sample (Census of Population and Housing, 1990a), responses from 229,004 Asian householders are analyzed using hierarchical bivariate logistic regression. The results suggests that high levels of human capital and acculturation reduce the odds of Asian householders living below the official poverty threshold, regardless of their citizenship status. The degree to which the selected variables are associated with poverty status varies by citizenship status.     

The “Tiering” of Citizenship and Residency and the “Hierarchization” of Migrant Communities: The United Arab Emirates in Historical Context

The local population of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) constitutes less than 11.5 percent of the total population. In response to their growing numerical minority status, many Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, including the UAE, have become more stringent about their citizenship, nationality, and employment policies. The natural questions to follow are: Why have UAE nationality and citizenship laws diverged from the anticipated “opening” of nationality and citizenship policies that some assumed would accompany globalization? In the specific context of the UAE, what factors have shaped and changed these policies over time?     

Immigrant Gateways and Hispanic Migration to New Destinations1

Our understanding of the underlying demographic components of population change in new Hispanic destinations is limited. In this paper, we (1) compare Hispanic migration patterns in traditional settlement areas with new growth in emerging Hispanic destinations; (2) examine the role of immigration vis‐à‐vis domestic migration in spurring Hispanic population redistribution; and (3) document patterns of migrant selectivity, distinguishing between in‐migrants and non‐migrant Hispanics at both the origin and destination. We use several recent datasets, including the 1990 and 2000 Public Use Microdata Samples (which include new regional geocodes), and the 2005 and 2006 files of the American Community Survey. Our results document the widespread dispersion of the Hispanic population over the 1990–2006 period from established Hispanic gateways into new Hispanic areas and other parts of the country. Nearly one‐half of Hispanic net migration in new destinations comes from domestic gains. In contrast, both established and other Hispanic areas depend entirely on immigration, with each losing domestic migrants to high growth areas. Migrant flows also are highly differentiated by education, citizenship, and nativity. To fully understand the spatial diffusion of Hispanics requires a new appreciation of the complex interplay among immigration, internal domestic migration, and fertility.     

Explaining heterogeneity in the child poverty rate among immigrant families: Differences by parental citizenship

Much of the debate about child poverty among immigrant families has centered on factors that place immigrant children at a high risk for poverty. What is missing in this debate and the literature is that children in immigrant families are economically heterogeneous and that children in naturalized families are doing as well as or better than children in native families in terms of economic status. To examine the heterogeneous economic status of children in immigrant families, this study compared children's poverty rates by parental nativity and citizenship status, decomposing demographic risk factors of child poverty. The results indicate that whereas lower parental education and employment status largely explain the relatively higher poverty rate among children in noncitizen families, higher parental education and employment rates and a lower rate of single parenthood explain why children in naturalized families have a lower rate of poverty than those in noncitizen families. Implications of these findings are discussed in detail.     

Can the American Dream Survive the New Multiethnic America? Evidence from Los Angeles1

Drawing from a survey conducted in Los Angeles, we examine perceptions of achievement and optimism about reaching the American dream among racial, ethnic, and nativity groups. We find blacks and Asian Americans less likely than whites to believe they have reached the American dream. Latinos stand out for their upbeat assessments, with naturalized citizens possessing a stronger sense of achievement and noncitizens generally optimistic that they will eventually fulfill the American dream. We discuss patterns of variation between the racial and ethnic groups as well as variation within each group. Notwithstanding interesting differences along lines of race, ethnicity, and nativity, we find no evidence that the nation’s changing ethnic stew has diluted faith in the American dream.     

'Talking to Top People': Some Issues Relating to the Citizenship of People with Learning Difficulties

The author discusses the citizenship of people with learning difficulties (mental handicap). Whilst there is evidence that people with learning difficulties can develop the skills required of 'active citizens', there are many socio-structural and ideological barriers to the exercise of full citizenship rights by people with learning difficulties. In addition, the citizenship claims of other groups, particularly women, are likely to be in conflict with the citizenship claims of people with learning difficulties. These issues are discussed. Finally some suggestions are made for policy changes which can promote the citizenship of people with learning difficulties.     

Earnings Inequality Among Aboriginal Groups in Canada

Data from the 2006 master file of the Canadian census is used to estimate the earnings differentials between non-Aboriginal persons and various groups of Aboriginal persons both on-reserve and off-reserve and throughout the earnings distribution. Generalizations that emerge include: an earnings disadvantage prevails across all Aboriginal groups; it is larger the greater the degree of “Aboriginal identity” (and where discrimination is most likely); more than half of the gap is “explained” by Aboriginal persons having lower endowments of pay determining characteristics (especially the younger age of the Aboriginal workforce, their lower levels of education and their working in lower-paying occupations); these patterns tend to prevail throughout the earnings distribution; the relative importance of endowments tends to increase as one moves up the earnings distribution; reductions in the earnings gap over time are more prominent at the higher ends of the earnings distribution and increases at the bottom especially for the on-reserve population. Policy implications are discussed, with an emphasis on the role of education.     

家庭禀赋、家庭决策与农村迁移劳动力回流

在城乡收入差距持续扩大的情况下,中国"民工潮"和"民工回流"、"民工荒"并存的现象,一直是困扰国内外学术界的难题。本文根据湖北和河南两省的农户抽样调查数据,建立农村迁移劳动力回流决策的影响因素模型,从家庭决策的视角分析了家庭禀赋对迁移劳动力回流的影响及其作用机制。数据分析结果表明:家庭人力资本越丰富,劳动力越容易选择留在农村就业或者回流农村,但是家庭人力资本值达到一定程度后,农村劳动力又倾向于外出就业。家庭社会资本有助于迁移劳动力外出务工,但是随着家庭社会资本值的增加,那些家庭社会资本更为丰富的家庭的劳动力则更愿意回流家乡就业。丰富的家庭经济资本同时可以产生收入效应和替代效应,家庭经济资本可以为外出务工提供物质支持,但是丰富的家庭经济资本又会促使迁移劳动力回流农村,总体来说后者更为明显。     

Negative Acculturation and Nothing More? Cumulative Disadvantage and Mortality during the Immigrant Adaptation Process among Latinos in the United States

Foreign‐ and U.S.‐born Hispanic health deteriorates with increasing exposure and acculturation to mainstream U.S. society. Because these associations are robust to (static) socioeconomic controls, negative acculturation has become their primary explanation. This overemphasis, however, has neglected important alternative structural explanations. Examining Hispanic mortality using the 1998–2006 U.S. National Health Interview Survey‐Linked Mortality File according to nativity, immigrant adaptation measures, and health behaviors, this study presents indirect but compelling evidence that suggests negative acculturation is not the only or main explanation for this deterioration.     

Chinese migrant wives in Taiwan: claiming entitlements,resisting inequality,and rejecting citizenship

A considerable number of Chinese women have migrated to Taiwan through marriage over the last two decades. Although the demographics of these marriage migrants have transformed over the years, a misunderstanding still exists as migrant wives are seen as commodities and gaining citizen status is seen as their ultimate goal. Using in-depth interviews, this research takes a bottom-up approach by allowing Chinese migrant women in Taiwan to define and interpret their own citizenship. It explains how they negotiate the politics of citizenship as they confront harsher immigration restrictions than immigrants of other origins because of their Chinese identity. This paper suggests that immigrants’ intersectional identities shape their conceptualization of Taiwanese citizenship, although their agency is limited. My findings illustrate that some Chinese migrant wives embrace citizenship entitlements while others’ experiences with citizenship differ depending on their positionality in both the private and the public. My findings also show that some migrant wives actively reject Taiwanese citizenship, challenging the myth that all Chinese immigrants desire Taiwanese citizenship. This study contributes to citizenship and migration studies using a feminist, intersectional approach and raises implications for the degree to which migrant wives have agency in constructing their citizenship.     

The poverty of postnationalism<Emphasis Type="Italic">:</Emphasis> citizenship,immigration, and the new Europe

Over the last decade and a half, in a literature otherwise obsessed with citizenship in all its forms, a broad array of scholars has downplayed, criticized, and at times trivialized national citizenship. The assault on citizenship has had both an expansionary and a contractionary thrust. It is expansionary in that the language of citizenship is no longer linked with nationality, but rather protest politics. An earlier generation of social scientists would have described these actions as lobbying; they have now become “citizenship practice.” It is contractionary in that what one might have thought to be the core of citizenship; nationality, the possession of a nation-state’s passport is viewed as less and less relevant to citizenship. Scholars have dislodged both the substance of citizenship, what it is, and the location of citizenship, where it “happens,” from the nation-state and national citizenship. The article challenges this devaluation of citizenship and the nation-state on empirical, conceptual, and normative grounds. Empirically, scholars, whom I link together under the umbrella term “postnationalists,” have based their anti-statist arguments on evidence that, when subjected to further inspection, wholly fails to support the arguments advanced. Conceptually, postnationalists rely on categories that are confused and untenable, being that national variables are cited as evidence of transnational developments. Normatively, postnationalists have lost the emancipatory thrust that once gave concerns with citizenship real-world purchase.

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Labour Force Participation among MENA Women in the United States: Exploring the Role of Ethnically Homogamous Relationships

This study uncovers variations in female labour force participation (FLFP) among women in the US originating from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), with a focus on differences by nativity status, and investigates the role of ethnically homogamous relationships in explaining these variations. Lower levels of US labour force participation among women from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is puzzling, given that these women have higher educational attainments than most women in the US. Recent work has suggested that looking more closely at the influence of homogamy on immigrant women’s economic activity may help to explain this puzzle. Drawing from prior research on FLFP and immigrant integration, we hypothesized that foreign-born women from MENA will report lower labour force participation rates relative to their US-born counterparts, and ethnically homogamous marriage will explain differences in FLFP across nativity status. Data come from the Public Use Microdata Samples (PUMS) from 2012–2016 American Community Surveys (ACS). The analytic sample consists of 33,133 women in the United states of MENA origin who are in the prime working ages of 25 to 59. As hypothesized, we found that foreign-born MENA women reported significantly lower labour force participation rates than their US-born counterparts. We also found that after controlling for all relevant characteristics, MENA women (both US-born and foreign-born) with MENA husbands remained dramatically less likely to be in the labour force than women with non-MENA husbands. Our findings suggest the disadvantage in FLFP experienced by foreign-born MENA women is due mostly to high rates of ethnically homogamous relationships among this population relative to their US-born counterparts. Thus, our study highlights ethnic homogamy as a structural-cultural barrier for MENA women’s labour force activity in the US and suggests that empirical research on FLFP and immigrant integration should consider partner characteristics as a key determinant of women’s labour force participation.     

Immigration and the American Obesity Epidemic1

Immigration is an important population dynamic at work in the U.S., but we know little about its impact on American obesity. Built on nutrition transition and immigration theories, this paper provides explanations for immigrants’ initial body composition advantage, its partial erosion over time, and the gender difference in the erosion. We find evidence that the American obesity epidemic would be much more severe without the mass immigration that began in 1965. In addition to confirming the erosion in immigrants’ body composition advantage, we further find that this erosion is weaker for men than for women. Once immigration’s impact is teased out, racial/ethnic disparities in body composition greatly differ from what we observe. This study provides gender‐specific estimates for the differences in obesity by nativity and residence duration and the net level of Hispanic‐white and Asian‐white disparities at the mean body mass index (BMI) as well as the overweight, Stage‐1, and Stage‐2 obesity cutoffs. Our findings suggest that immigration must be taken into account when addressing public health concerns.     

Theorizing and Analyzing Citizenship in Multicultural Societies

I argue that sociologists have directed insufficient attention to the study of citizenship. When citizenship is studied, sociologists tend to concentrate on just one facet: rights. I elaborate four conceptual facets of citizenship. I link two—citizenship as rights and belonging—to theoretical elaborations of multiculturalism. Considering multiculturalism as a state discourse and set of policies, rather than a political or normative theory, I outline linkages between multiculturalism and two additional facets of citizenship: legal status and participation. Over the last 15 years, the idea of multiculturalism has come under withering criticism, especially in Europe, in part because it is claimed that multiculturalism undermines common citizenship. Yet countries with more multicultural policies and a stronger discourse of pluralism and recognition are places where immigrants are more likely to become citizens, more trusting of political institutions, and more attached to the national identity. There is also little evidence that multicultural policies fuel majority backlash, and some modest evidence that such policies enlarge conceptions of inclusive membership. By studying claims‐making and the equality of immigrant‐origin groups, we see that the participatory aspect of citizenship needs to take center stage in future work in political sociology, social theory, social movements, immigration, and race/ethnicity.     

Social Citizenship Guarantee for Minorities in Japan: Present and Future

In recent years, the presence of minorities and their ways of life have become the subject of public interest in Japan. These minorities have experienced misrecognition and denial of their rights, and have been forced to live without benefiting from social redistribution. However, the lack of acceptance of minorities or their ways of life by majorities is being challenged. These aspects of recognition and redistribution are matters of universal human dignity. They are indispensable when considering issues of security in the lives of minorities. To achieve this security it is necessary to consider social citizenship. It described the way we are treated in society. In this article I examine the current state of social citizenship for minorities in Japan. An analysis of the contents and characteristics of social policy and social security systems in which social citizenship is embodied suggests that social citizenship in Japan is still strongly based on traditional social standards. This traditional orientation constitutes an obstacle to guaranteeing social citizenship for minorities. Moreover, the more serious inherent problem is that neither the concept of citizenship nor that of rights has been adequately accepted by the people. Given these points, it is unsurprising that the majority perceives minorities as deviant, and this situation has made guarantees of social citizenship for minorities much more difficult. A full guarantee of social citizenship for minorities requires further efforts to be made in human rights education and citizenship education.     

Who Claims Dual Citizenship? The Limits of Postnationalism,the Possibilities of Transnationalism,and the Persistence of Traditional Citizenship1

The dynamics of globalization, especially international migration, challenge traditional frameworks of citizenship and prompted scholars to develop new models of membership: transnationalism and postnationalism. All three‐the traditional, transnational and postnational‐explicitly or implicitly address the controversial topic of dual citizenship, or multiple membership. Lack of statistical data, however, has made it difficult to adjudicate between these models or to undertake a broad empirical assessment of dual citizenship, either over time or between people from different countries and socioeconomic backgrounds. This article outlines the testable implications of traditional, transnational and post‐national frameworks and evaluates these hypotheses using a unique statistical data source that asked respondents to report multiple citizenship, the 1981, 1991 and 1996 20% Canadian census samples. The data offer little evidence that immigrants adopt a strict postnational view of citizenship, but they reveal the possibilities of transnationalism and the continued relevance of traditional frameworks. Over time, we observe a rapid increase in the aggreate level of reported dual citizenship from 1981 to 1996. We also find that those with higher human capital, rather than the economically marginalized, are more likely to embrace dual citizenship. After controlling for individual attributes, important contextual or group effects nonetheless remain: self‐reports of dual citizenship vary significantly by birthplace and are higher if an immigrant lives in Quebec. Since naturalization levels seem to rise in tandem with reports of dual citizenship, this research suggests a certain paradox: while multiple belonging