Thailand's responses to transnational migration during economic growth and economic downturn

This paper gives an historical overview of immigration to Thailand since the 1970s and emigration since the 1960s. It describes migration policies since the 1930s. Final discussion focuses on the impact of economic contraction on migration. Immigration to Thailand dates back to the 1760s when a huge wave of Chinese emigrated to Thailand. The flow continued until about 1850 and resumed during 1905-17. The next big waves of immigrants were after 1975, when refugees fled Indochina, and in the 1990s, when migrants flocked from neighboring countries drawn to the booming economy. Thai professionals left in the 1960s for the USA. During the 1980s, many left for work in the Middle East. During the 1990s, Thai migrants moved within the East and Southeastern Asian countries and the USA or Europe, and they included many women and illegal migrants. Emigrants leave as arranged by the government, by employers, by recruitment agencies, and as trainees. The first official act was in 1950 and revised in 1979. Many work permits were approved in the 1990s, especially for unskilled labor. There are supports for Thai migrants abroad, but little is offered to foreigners at home. By 1997, the country's recession led to nonrenewal of many work permits. The 1998 economic crisis led to a new labor policy that deported illegal and unskilled migrant workers in order to create jobs for Thais. Policy encouraged Thais to seek work overseas.     

Philippine migration policy: dilemmas of a crisis

Philippine migration policy is traced from the early 1970s to the present. The main migration trends in the 1990s are described. An assessment is made of the efficacy and appropriateness of present migration policy in light of the economic crisis. A regional approach to migration policy is necessary in order to encourage placing migration as a greater priority on national agendas and in bilateral agreements. In the Philippines, migrants are considered better paid workers, which diminishes their importance as a legislative or program priority. Santo Tomas (1998) conducted an empirical assessment of migration policies in the Philippines, but refinement is needed. Although migration is a transnational experience, there is little dialogue and cooperation among countries. Philippine migration policy defines its role as an information resource for migrants. Policy shifted from labor export to migrant management in the public and private sectors. Predeparture information program studies are recommending a multi-stage process that would involve all appropriate parties. There is talk of including migration information in the education curriculum. There are a variety of agendas, competing interests, and information resources between migration networks and officiating agencies. The Asian financial crisis may have a mild impact, but there are still issues of reintegration, protection, and employment conditions     

Migration to European Countries: A Structural Explanation of Patterns, 1980–20041

Various theoretical approaches have provided us with insights to explain the pattern of migration flows. Economic theory considers migration to be a reaction to labor market and economic incentives. Cultural theories predict that migration flows will occur according to a center‐periphery pattern, while social network analysis assumes that migrants follow already established migration networks. We test these three approaches simultaneously, using OECD and Eurostat data on the migrant inflow into the European countries between 1980 and 2004. The analysis demonstrates that migration flows react to economic incentives, mainly with regard to the labor market, but also to cultural and colonial linkages. There is no indication that the importance of the colonial past is declining over time. The response of migration patterns to shortages in the labor market is shown to be highly efficient, while the analysis shows that immigrants are not attracted by high levels of social expenditure.     

Economic implications of migration into the Federal Republic of Germany, 1988-1992

"An analysis of the effects of the last wave of migration into West Germany on labor markets, public finances and economic growth, this study points at the often ignored fact that the migrants were rather successful in finding jobs and thus helped in eliminating labor shortages in certain industries. Simulations with a macroeconometric model for the FRG indicate that in 1992 the GDP was almost 6 percent higher than without migration, that 90,000 jobs were created and that migration created a surplus of DM14 billion in the public sector, compared to the baseline. This study also makes clear, however, that these effects mainly depend on a quick absorption of migrants by FRG labor markets, and as to the social system, the relief may be only transitory."     

Emigration dynamics in the Arab region. IOM / UNFPA workshop, 7-8 October 1996, Geneva,Switzerland

This paper describes the four research monographs on emigration that were presented at the December 1995 Regional Workshop in the Arab Region. The workshop was an exchange of views and discussion of policy implications of emigration. Monographs were presented by Dr. Mayar Farrag on emigration in Egypt, Professor Nadji Safir on migration in the Maghreb, Dr. Setenay Shami on emigration dynamics in Jordan, and Dr. Lynn Evans on behalf of Dr. Ivy Papps on migration in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. Dr. Farrag identified three periods of migration. During the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s, migrants were officially encouraged by Egypt to fill education positions. During the 1970s, many migrants left for the oil-producing countries on a temporary basis. Since the mid-1980s, the influences on Egyptian migration have been the economic recession and oil prices in the Gulf states, the completion of infrastructure projects in most Gulf states, and the replacement of foreign labor with nationals. Dr. Farrag recommended improving the migrants' skills in English and technology in order to maintain a dominant flow of temporary migrants to the Gulf region. Professor Safir reported that persons from the Maghreb region (Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco) migrated to France before independence and subsequently to West Germany and the Benelux countries. Algeria had the highest migration potential, and Morocco had the highest migration. Morocco had established networks in destination countries, high population growth rates, and high unemployment. Maghreb countries are receiving migrants from the south. Professor Safir recommended regional integration. Dr. Shami separated step migration from stepwise migration, which complicates push-pull theories. Dr. Papps argued that use of foreign labor may not be the best option for development, and that sending countries should be more aware of skill needs in GCC countries.     

The Singapore state's response to migration

Migration trends in Singapore are traced since 1819. Immigration has been encouraged to advance economic development. Local and international factors fuel migration to Singapore. Singapore depends upon foreign labor. Population growth has been mainly due to migration from China, India, Malaysia, and countries surrounding Singapore. Independence in 1965 led to policies aimed at controlling high population growth. Policies became pronatalist after 1987. Foreigners in 1998 were over 18% of the total population, which was six times the number in 1970. About 2000 Singaporeans per year emigrated during the 1990s. Singapore is encouraging overseas industrial development. In 1997, the Prime Minister called for recruitment of foreign talent in order to meet the challenges of an increasingly globalized world, low fertility, and an aging society. Economic planners recommend short-term migration of unskilled foreign workers who would be a revolving pool to fill jobs natives do not want. Singapore is promoting arts and culture in order to keep people in Singapore. The government has issued assurances that natives will have first priority on jobs, education, and training. Singapore's ability to absorb workers will depend upon its economic performance.     

Recruitment to Occupations with a Surplus of Workers: The Unexpected Outcomes of Swedish Demand‐Driven Labour Migration Policy

This article studies the outcomes of the 2008 labour‐migration policy change in Sweden, when most state control was abolished and an employer‐led selection was introduced. The main goal was to increase labour migration from third countries to occupational sectors experiencing labour shortages. The article compares the volume, composition and labour‐market status of labour migrants who arrived before the change in the law with those who arrived after. Labour migrants from EU countries are used as a control group to assess any eventual influence from non‐migration policy determinants. The main outcome of the policy change is that non‐EU labour migration increased – an effect entirely due to the rise in labour migration to surplus occupations. Changes in the composition of the labour migrants explains why those who came after the law change have, on average, a worse labour market position.     

Recession and Migration: A New Era for Labor Migration?

The current recession, the worst in a half century, is likely to affect international migration differently than past recessions. In 1973–1974 and 1981–1982, rising oil prices led to recessions in oil‐importing countries and economic booms in oil‐exporting countries, enabling some migrants to shift from bust to boom areas, as from Europe to the Middle East. The 1997–1998 Asian financial crisis did not spread globally, and was followed by a relatively quick resumption of economic and job growth that attracted migrant workers. The 2008–2009 recession is most severe in countries that had the most severe debt excesses, including the U.S., Spain, and Eastern Europe, and in countries most dependent on trade, including many Asian countries. New deployments of migrants are likely to slow, but what is not yet clear is how many migrants who lose jobs will remain abroad.     

Market and Direct Allocation of Labor Through Migration*

Recent research suggests that the relationship between migration and labor allocation has changed in two ways: (1) fewer migrations are job-related; and (2) more of the remaining job-related migrations are job transfers instead of purely market-induced mobility. Data from the 1973–77 U.S. Annual Housing Surveys are used to compare characteristics of market-induced and job-transfer migrants/Both forms of migration occur among all income, education, and age groups. However, the income attainment processes for these migrants suggest that relocations are overrepresented among those primary jobs described by dual labor market theory. Since many of the benefits of primary jobs are age-related, both the increasing frequency of occupational relocations and weakening of the American economic position suggest that the benefits expected by those relocated may be difficult to provide.     

U.S. immigration policy: the guestworker option revisited

In guestworker programs foreign nationals are admitted into another country on a nonmigrant status with severely curtailed social and limited labor market rights. The duration of stay is always finite and compliance with the terms of the contract are entered through a network of legal arrangements which allow officials in the receiving country a substantial amount of administrative discretion. Pro-guestworker arguments say that the borders cannot be closed, that guestworkers can be substituted for illegal aliens, that guestworkers are better than illegal aliens, and that additional labor benefits the US economy. Those against guestworker programs stress longterm socioeconomic issues rather than short-term economic advantages, saying that guestworker programs are no quick answer for illegal immigration, for domestic labor shortages, or for the US poor population. Guestworker programs, its opponents say, provide short-run economic benefits to a few employers and individuals at the expense of more widespread and longterm socioeconomic costs. They oppose: 1) the concept of admitting foreign workers with restricted rights, 2) the concentration of any negative labor market impacts on already disadvantaged domestic groups, 3) the proliferation of "jobs which Americans won't take," 4) many temporary guests ending up permanent residents, and 5) that exporting workers is as likely to impede as accelerate job-creating economic development in immigration countries. Most economists believe that diminishing marginal productivity produces downward-sloping short-run demand for labor schedules. The European experience with these programs has been different than those in the US since foreign workers in Europe were initially recruited in response to actual labor shortages and have always had legal status, but both Europe and the US have experienced large contingents of workers who remain in the countries and are at a pronounced power disadvantage regarding the society's institutions. Studies of guestworker programs have shown that worker flows eventually become impervious to the receiver's actual labor needs as employers disaggregate jobs into components which match the low skills of migrants and create additional foreign worker jobs which are then shunned by native labor, thus perpetuating a need for such labor. If the US opts for a large-scale guestworker program this will only replace 1 set of problems with another and it is not at all certain that large-scale guestworker admissions will proportionately reduce illegal migration inflows.     

Politics and ideology in migration policy formulation: the case of Kuwait

In 1716, 3 prominent families of the original Kuwaitis agreed that 1 family would control finance and commerce, another seafaring activities, and the 3rd the government. This continued allegiance has been instrumental in shaping migration policy in Kuwait. Migration to Kuwait began in the 1930s-1940s to meet labor needs of the oil industry and the social infrastructure. This began a steady increase, with several setbacks in the early 1970s, of the migrant population. Between (1959-1964), Kuwait had to determine how it would exist and operate as an independent state. The new state established migration policy based on a need for national identity and on weighing the interests of 4 political groups: the ruling family; the wealthy merchants; the Arab Nationalist Movement; and Kuwaiti Nationalists. 3 migration laws emerged which satisfied the 4 groups and in some form continued into the 1980s. These laws basically allowed the continuation of free immigration of labor with the government controlling entry, movement, rights, and employment of the migrants while stressing neutrality and reciprocity with other states, especially Arab states. 1 law greatly limited the number of citizenships to nonKuwaitis and guaranteed economic control and major share of profits to Kuwaitis. Between 1965-1984, many changes to migration policy occurred for political, demographic, and economic reasons. 1 such change was an amendment restricting naturalization to Muslims, thereby not allowing naturalization of the growing Asian migration population, to preserve their cultural authenticity. By 1984, following 1 rebalance of the distribution of Kuwaitis and nonKuwaitis, economic declines, and security threats, migration policy shifted back to population balance. Kuwaiti history shows, however, that experimenting with migration policy and population balance cannot establish internal political and social cohesion. This is a revised version of a paper originally presented at the 1987 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America (see Population Index, Vol. 53, No. 3, Fall 1987, p. 409).     

Urbanization,migration, and Vietnam's spatial structure

In North Vietnam during the war years from the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s, cities were evacuated to minimize damage from bombing. As such, the urbanization process was checked. In the South, however, urban areas grew rapidly as people fled the fighting in the villages. Reunification of the country led to an outflow of residents from the largest southern cities back to the North or into new economic zones. From the mid-1970s to the early 1980s, Vietnam's total urban population remained static before beginning to increase slowly during the latter half of the 1980s. The rate of urbanization accelerated in the first half of the 1990s, although that process is not reflected in the available statistics. During 1979-89, the smaller cities grew faster than the larger ones, while most interprovincial migration occurred from North to South. Unemployment is a major problem in Vietnam's growing cities. The country's economic reforms require a more fluid labor market with fewer restrictions upon labor mobility. These needs are gradually undermining the strategy designed to contain urbanization, forcing planners to rethink urban development. The author discusses developing Vietnam's three main urban development corridors.     

Public policy implications of elderly interstate migration to Oregon, 1985-1990

Several Oregon counties received a noticeable influx of elderly migrants from other states during the 1980s. Oregon policy regarding taxes, land use, and long-term care is examined for possible influence on migration. Models of elderly migration are examined for insight into how public policy influences migration, and previous research regarding the effects of elderly migration on public policy is reviewed. Data regarding disability and financial vulnerability among elderly by migration status are analyzed for possible influence upon public policy. Change in the population aged 65 and older mirrored state and national patterns for 1980 to 1990 and 1990 to 1999. Interstate elderly arriving in attractive counties reported a low prevalence of disability and financial vulnerability, indicating a low risk of demanding public assistance. Interstate elderly arriving in population centers reported a relatively high prevalence of disability but a low prevalence of financial vulnerability. This may suggest that Oregon's long-term care policy influenced elderly migration.     

Inscribing Gender in Rural Development: Industrial Homework in Two Midwestern Communities1

Abstract A resurgence of informal economic work, such as home-working, occurred in some rural areas during the 1970s and the 1980s. In two midwestern communities, an employer of industrial homeworkers was recruited in an effort to boost the local economy with new jobs. In these communities, ideas about women's roles in households and the labor market are crucial to the states' ability to couple industrial homeworking with rural community development. Industrial homeworking as development in the United States shows how development goals support and maintain the sexual division of labor in households and in the local labor market. Personal interviews and archival documents form the basis of the case study data. These data are content-analyzed for themes about the process of development and the relationship of the local states and industrial firms.     

The new rural-urban labor mobility in China: Causes and implications

As the Chinese economy reforms, a huge new floating population of rural-urban migrants is transforming the urban labor force. This article explores some of the most important reasons for the emergence of the floating population in China. We argue that the neoclassical model alone is not adequate to explain the massive rural-urban internal migration underway in China. Instead, ideas drawn from both sociological theories of segmented markets and institutional economics are used to supplement the standard neoclassical explanation. We found that Chinese policy reforms in both rural and urban areas decreased the balkanization of labor markets and opened up employment opportunities for many rural-urban migrants. In rural areas, a set of agricultural market reforms, starting in 1978, increased farm incomes and simultaneously produced a large surplus labor supply. In urban areas, reforms beginning in the 1980s created an effective demand for rural migrants. Of particular importance was the development of a contract labor system and the emergence of a private sector.     

Some thoughts on emigration from the Mediterranean basin

In addition to emphasizing that the kind of migration characteristic of the 1960s between Mediterranean and western European countries has serious implications for the former, this discussion explores the more questionable consequence of "lassez-faire" emigration for employment and development; proposes a method of analysis--the human resources approach--which facilitates insight into undesirable development, incipient or future bottlenecks, and how far they may be caused by outmigration or could be removed by the purposeful organization of return migration; and raises for examination various principles and instruments of emigration policy connecting international movements of human resources with development in general and employment policy and manpower planning in particular. Wherever migrant workers go abroad temporarily, which has been claimed to be the feature of Mediterranean western European migrations, they are not totally lost to their country of origin. They may be considered to remain part of the national labor force. Consequently, the human resources available for the country's development (hereafter termed the "national" labor force) comprise both the domestic population and the temporarily absent population. Migration streams may consist of seasonal (S), temporary (T), and permanent (P) workers according to the intentions of the migrants or their legal status. To obtain the effective numbers of S, T, and P migrants, it is necessary to weigh the figures of intending S, T, and P migrants with the actual emigration experience of each category. Applying hypothetical proportions to the known S (15%), T (80%), and P (5%) figures for Yugoslavia would give the following effective rates (as percentages of total outmigration: S = 13.5%; T = 49.25%; and P = 37.25%. In the case of Yugoslavia, which may be considered fairly representative, the temporarily absent workforce would be less than 2/3 of the annual outflow postulated. Thus, 1 in 3 migrants leaving Yugoslavia is irrelevant for manpower planning purposes. Net outmigration at seasonal peaks or throughout the year reduces the available labor supply directly. It also does so disproportionately, for it involves the most able bodied persons. To obtain positive effects, the contribution of migrants to the home country's economy would have to be larger than before migration. The question is what effect does foreign emigration have on the spatial, economic, and social modernization of the rural sector. Most Mediterranean countries are characterized by widely scattered settlements, many of which are unviable and costly to service. The economic organization of the rural sector may be affected through labor shortages inducing wage pressure and mechanization. The traditional social organization of the rural sector may receive jobs from outmigration that could speed up its replacement by modern structures.     

Public Policy Implications of Elderly Interstate Migration to Oregon, 1985-1990

Abstract

Several Oregon counties received a noticeable influx of elderly migrants from other states during the 1980s. Oregon policy regarding taxes, land use, and long-term care is examined for possible influence on migration. Models of elderly migration are examined for insight into how public policy influences migration, and previous research regarding the effects of elderly migration on public policy is reviewed. Data regarding disability and financial vulnerability among elderly by migration status are analyzed for possible influence upon public policy.

Change in the population aged 65 and older mirrored state and national patterns for 1980 to 1990 and 1990 to 1999. Interstate elderly arriving in attractive counties reported a low prevalence of disability and financial vulnerability, indicating a low risk of demanding public assistance. Interstate elderly arriving in population centers reported a relatively high prevalence of disability but a low prevalence of financial vulnerability. This may suggest that Oregon's long-term care policy influenced elderly migration.     

Variations in Fertility and Earning Patterns among Immigrants in the United States, 1970–1980: Assimilation or Disruption?*

"This paper examines the assimilation of immigrants in familial and economic fields.... Specific objectives are as follows: (1) to describe fertility and earning patterns among immigrants to the United States in 1970-1980, from several countries of origin, and (2) to describe some effects of assimilation, human capital, and the dual labor market perspectives on immigrant earnings." Findings vary in both fertility and economic categories for migrants depending on whether they are from developed or developing countries. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)     

Young People of Migrant Origin in Sweden

This article surveys immigration during the second part of the twentieth century with the aim of determining the origins of the immigrant population and the socioeconomic position of the second generation. It focuses on migration from Turkey from the 1960s onward. Originally, migration from Turkey was within the framework of labor recruitment. These migrants were predominantly ethnic Turks of rural origin. A second wave of migrants from Turkey was composed of Syriani/Assyrians, a Christian minority from eastern Turkey seeking asylum in the 1970s on the grounds of religious persecution. Since the 1980s, the main intake of migrants from Turkey has been Kurds seeking protection on the grounds of political persecution. Immigration of ethnic Turks and Syriani/Assyrians is restricted to family reunification and family formation; the numbers are low. Kurds, on the other hand, are accepted both on the grounds of refugee claims and family reunification/family formation. The article looks at conditions of growing up in Sweden, with a particular focus on education, mother‐tongue classes and instruction in Swedish. Second‐generation youth distinguish themselves by an overrepresentation among dropouts from school, but also by an overrepresentation among those who do well academically in comparison with native Swedes. This applies to second‐generation youth with family roots in Turkey. Though very few under the age of 18 hold regular employment, the article also discusses the prospects of entering the labor market, based on information from the regular labor market surveys. Unemployment rates are consistently higher for second‐generation migrants than for native‐born Swedish youth. The article closes with a discussion about the developing multicultural society in Sweden and the niches that second‐generation youth tend to occupy.     

NeoLiberalism and the Challenges of Managing Labour Migration in Urban Malaysia

Labour migration into Malaysia has increased rapidly in recent decades and this has affected Malaysia's government policy in managing migrants’ movement. Interestingly, Malaysia has attracted a high degree of unskilled labour, accompanied by unabated rise of undocumented migrant workers. Mitigating undocumented migration is the main aim of Malaysia's labour migration policy and therefore the focus of Malaysian government. This has impacted on how enforcement agencies work out strategies. These agencies are the forefront of Malaysia's labour migration policy but they faced a number of challenges, such as documentation, finance and manpower capability, and political intervention, which impede their ability to optimize their capabilities in enforcing the Malaysian government labour migration policy. Resolving these challenges and moving towards a long‐term labour migration policy will benefit the Malaysian state, its citizens and the labour migrants.