Failure to return to industry,the primary feature of the sequence of Turkish migration

This article seeks to destroy the myth that the industrial experience of emigrated workers can be helpful in development efforts for the sending countries by supplying a highly qualified labor force. The extent and nature of unemployment in an underdeveloped country such as Turkey form the essential background. Insufficient demand for labor, oppressive living conditions for the unemployed, and the absence of hope for future improvement in employment conditions produce a high desire to work devoid of a specific job or career goals, tendencies which account for the willingness of workers to accept any kind of work as long as pay is adequate. Most Turkish migrant workers have been found to be oriented toward accumulating as much money as possible, not for use as a means of changing their structural situation or improving their employment qualifications, but as an end in itself. The hypothesis that polyannual migrants acquire new knowledge and ability to adapt to the mode of life of an industrial society, internalizing its structures, roles, and values, recieves little confirmation in the literature. A large proportion of Turkish migrants remain attached to preindustrial habits and preferences for work in a milieu that assures personal relationships. Few report in surveys that they learn significantly in their migrant jobs. Migrant workers who are only superficially familiar with industrial culture and who reject the mode of life of industrial society cannot be viewed as a force for change and innovation when they return. Migrant remittances are steadily increasing, but until the present, no structural changes have been made in Turkey to encourage their investment in productive enterprises. Personal or familial reasons, not desire to undertake new enterprises, are most often the cause of migrants' return; once they have done so, they aspire to new occupations in the tertiary sector rather than return to their earlier lines of employment.     

New Global Politics of Reproductive Labor: Gendered Labor and Marriage Migration

The feminization of international migration nowadays has demonstrated a new global politics of reproductive labor (work necessary for the reproduction of families). This paper reviews recent studies that manifest similarity, affinity, and continuity across multiple forms of reproductive labor carried out by migrant women in four aspects. First, the recruitment of women as foreign maids or foreign brides provides class‐specific parallel strategies to the global care crisis. Second, paid and unpaid forms of reproductive labor constitute intersecting circuits of labor and marriage migration through which women partake in continuous migration. Third, various categories of migrant women are discursively conflated and attached to similar images as sexualized others. Finally, global care chains not only involve migrant reproductive labor conducted at home but also operate on the level of social reproduction as indicated by the expansion of international nursing migration.     

In the Shadow of Working Men: Gendered Labor and Migrant Rights in South Korea

Based on ethnographic research in South Korea, this article investigates the gendered production of migrant rights under the global regime of temporary migration by examining two groups of Filipina women: factory workers and hostesses at American military camptown clubs. Emphasizing gendered labor processes and symbolic politics, this article offers an analytical framework to interrogate the mechanisms through which a discrepancy of rights is generated at the intersection of workplace organization and civil society mobilization. I identify two distinct labor regimes for migrant women that were shaped in the shadow of working men. Migrant women in the factories labored in the company of working men on the shop floor, which enabled them to form a co-ethnic migrant community and utilize the male-centered bonding between workers and employers. In contrast, migrant hostesses were isolated and experienced gendered stigma under the paternalistic rule of employers. Divergent forms of civil society mobilization in South Korea sustained these regimes: Migrant factory workers received recognition as workers without attention to gender-specific concerns while hostesses were construed as women victims in need of protection. Thus, Filipina factory workers were able to exercise greater labor rights by sharing the dignity of workers as a basis for their rights claims from which hostesses were excluded.     

Enhancing the capabilities of emigration countries to protect men and women destined for low-skilled employment: the case of the Philippines

This study examined policies in receiving countries, evaluated their effectiveness in protecting low skilled Filipino migrant workers, and discusses the potential for quantifying and objectifying labor migrant gains or losses. Data were obtained from focus groups among 10 technical managers of the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration and interviews with 10 policy-makers in order to establish a hierarchy of aims in labor migration and policy indicators. The aims are identified as good jobs abroad, an orderly process, efficient and fair recruitment, and easy transfers of remittances. Findings are that Philippine policies facilitate remittance transfers. Government was least effective in ensuring orderliness. Government was fairly effective in ensuring fairness and efficiency and ensuring good jobs overseas. It succeeded the most in ensuring that nationals can easily transfer their earnings. Allocation data reveal that more resources were expended on searching for good jobs and least on fairness and efficiency. Remittances increased after mandatory remittances were ended as imposed by the Marcos regime. De-skilling often resulted from overseas employment, but rehired workers received better pay on their second and third assignments. This research was exploratory and more research is needed for developing sensitive indicators and refining the process of evaluating key government policies. The Philippine Development Policy that encourages labor migration and protection of overseas workers is a necessity during the ongoing Asian economic crisis.     

Migrant labor in agriculture: an international comparison

The May 1984 Conference on Migrant Labor in Agriculture at the University of California-Davis discussed papers by 22 farm labor experts from 12 nations. Each industrial nation utilizes a different set of public and private policies to supply workers for labor-intensive agriculture, but none is entirely satisfactory. Labor-intensive agriculture is becoming more dependent on workers who are shut out of labor markets. Some countries have simply accepted foreign workers in agriculture, while others have adopted policies to integrate farm and nonfarm labor markets. Polices to reduce agriculture's reliance on workers-without-options include restructuring employment practices to employ fewer seasonal workers for longer periods, mechanizing production, and importing fruits and vegetables from nearby developing countries. This article explains the salient features of labor-intensive agriculture, the various polices for obtaining seasonal farmworkers, and options to reduce farming's dependence on migrant labor.     

Immigrant workers in an emigrant economy: an examination of replacement migration in the Middle East

The author investigates human resource shortages in a labor-supplying country, focusing particularly on the case of Jordan. He "examines the growth, characteristics and role of immigrant labour in an erstwhile emigrant economy and assesses the validity of the replacement migration model. Data is presented from the author's survey of some 3,751 work permits issued to foreign workers in Amman between October 1982 and January 1983." It is noted that "replacement migration is only one aspect of a more diffuse pattern of labour inflows which have important implications for the Jordanian economy in general and the labour market in particular." In addition to replacement labor migration, which involves the employment of skilled workers in sectors experiencing domestic labor shortages, the author identifies the roles played by collective contract labor, involving immigrant labor for project-specific work, and secondary labor, involving low-skill work at discriminatory wage rates. The distinctions between these forms of labor migration and their economic implications are discussed. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)     

The Singapore state's response to migration

Migration trends in Singapore are traced since 1819. Immigration has been encouraged to advance economic development. Local and international factors fuel migration to Singapore. Singapore depends upon foreign labor. Population growth has been mainly due to migration from China, India, Malaysia, and countries surrounding Singapore. Independence in 1965 led to policies aimed at controlling high population growth. Policies became pronatalist after 1987. Foreigners in 1998 were over 18% of the total population, which was six times the number in 1970. About 2000 Singaporeans per year emigrated during the 1990s. Singapore is encouraging overseas industrial development. In 1997, the Prime Minister called for recruitment of foreign talent in order to meet the challenges of an increasingly globalized world, low fertility, and an aging society. Economic planners recommend short-term migration of unskilled foreign workers who would be a revolving pool to fill jobs natives do not want. Singapore is promoting arts and culture in order to keep people in Singapore. The government has issued assurances that natives will have first priority on jobs, education, and training. Singapore's ability to absorb workers will depend upon its economic performance.     

Labour migration from South and South-East Asia: some policy issues

The rise in migration for employment since the mid-1970s has had serious consequences for many Asian countries. This discussion examines the issues raised by the migration abroad of thousands of skilled workers and the efforts that sending countries have made in recent years to bring the effects of labor migration more closely into line with their development objectives. It also considers several problem areas requiring the attention of policymakers and authorities responsible for the administration of overseas employment policies. It is estimated that between 1976-81 annual labor migrant flows from the 8 major sending countries in Asia increased sevenfold, from a mere 146,400 to over 1 million. The Asian migrant workers tend to be young, male, married (with dependents in the sending country), and better educated than the average home population. Most of them come from rural areas and are predominantly employed in construction and labor. The most distinctive feature of these workers is their concentration in a few blue collar occupations--carpenters, masons, electricians, plumbers, lorry drivers, mechanics, and heavy equipment operators. These production and trnasport workers outnumber the professional and technical workers by anywhere from 3 to 1 (Philippines) to 17 to 1 (Pakistan and Sri Lanka). At the aggregate level labor emigration affects the sending country's economy through its impact on the labor market, on the financial market, and on the market for goods and services. It can be argued that the outflow of a significant proportion of the labor force should lead directly to a rise in labor projectivity in the sending country since capital per worker among those left behind will increase, yet it can also be argued that since migration sifts out the most skilled and experienced workers there will be an erosion of the country's human captial resources. Specific measures have been adopted in most labor sending Asian countries to protect the welfare of migrant workers, to regulate conditions of employment abroad, to restrict the outflow of scarce skills, and to secure new overseas markets for nationals. Despite the efforts of governments to ensure that workers have satisfactory contracts on going abroad, many cases of "contract substitution" have been reported. The present attitude of many governments toward private recruiters seems to reflect both an acknowledgement of their effectiveness in finding job placements overseas and a growing concern to regulate their activities. The present trend seems to be to allow private agencies easier access while exercising greater supervision over those permitted to operate. The impact of labor migration on the labor markets of sending countries has not been uniformly damaging, but most of the countries have adopted 1 kind of policy or another to reduce the outflow of scarce skills. The use of material and other incentives for retaining workers in the country has obvious advantages but is not very widespread.     

Fleeting joy,divergent expectations and reconfigured intimacies: The visits home of Filipino migrant care workers in Singapore

For Filipino migrant care workers in Singapore, visits home are highly anticipated and longed for, but only as long as they remain brief. Drawing on long-term ethnographic research, this paper examines such visits as emotionally complex events that bring intense joy as migrants reunite with dispersed family members, but also reveal divergent expectations and feelings of loss and betrayal. These experiences are especially felt among migrant women given the gendered constructions of their migration journeys that demand strenuous relational work on their visits and far beyond. Visits home, nevertheless, are important moments through which migrant care workers re-orient their priorities and aspirations as migrants and as women over time, often leading to prolongations of their ‘temporary’ absences. The paper further examines how migrant care workers, many of whom are on temporary work contracts in Singapore, fear and anticipate the moment when short visits ultimately become permanent returns.     

Regulation on Migrant Workers’ Employment in the Israeli Construction Sector

This article deals with a reform in the regulation on employment of migrant workers which was implemented in the Israeli construction industry from 2005. This corporations‐based arrangement replaced a restrictive employment arrangement which tied the employee to a specific employer. The new regulation of work conditions and wages, coupled with a significant reduction in the number of work permits issued to construction, has improved work conditions and wages paid to migrant workers, and made their employment less attractive to employers. The reform also included elements designed to reduce the illegal employment phenomenon and to encourage migrant workers to leave the country at the end of their contracts. However, the new arrangement still restricted the mobility of migrant workers to some extent and had negative consequences such as a significant rise in the broker fees demanded of workers.     

Problems confronting migrants and members of their families when they return to their country of origin

The problems which migrants and their families face when they return to their own country arise from the personal circumstances of the individuals themselves as well as the characteristics of both the country of origin and the host country. A great variety of conflicts can arise during reintegration and the interrelation between them is complex. Nevertheless, some problems occur more frequently than others; a number of the most common include the following: 1) reintegrating the return migrant into the labor force is very difficult, particularly when unemployment is a problem in his homeland. 2) Degrees earned abroad often do not transfer from one high school or university to another at the same academic level. 3) Most returning migrant workers lose their retirement benefits acquired during the period of emigration because of no social security convention between the countries concerned. 4) Patriotic feelings and ties to family and friends lead the migrant to gloss over the real problems he faces. 5) Migrant children commonly face problems related to education because of differences between languages, teaching contents, and educational methods practiced in the two countries. Recommendations to relieve these and other problems migrants face upon reintegration include: 1) efforts should be made to orient return migration when jobs are available; 2) cultural agreements allowing recognition of studies and accreditation of degrees and diplomas should be promoted; 3) social security conventions between countries should be extended to include the transfer of benefits and recognition of years of work; 4) priority should be given to educational problems faced by migrant children with a dual sociocultural identity; and 5) assistance should be given to countries in carrying out empirical studies on reintegration problems and measures to solve them.     

Structural shifts in the employment of foreign workers in Austria

The full economic importance of immigration becomes clear only when one examines the concentration of immigrant workers in certain industries and occupations, and this is done in the case of Austria to show the degree of segmentation of the labor market between indigenous and foreign labor. In the course of the 1960s the employment of foreign labor gained importance in Austria. As a consequence, bilateral agreements with the major recruiting countries were made, e.g., with Spain in 1962 and 1969, with Turkey in 1964, and with Yugoslavia in 1966. The reason for the increasing demand for foreign labor was the short supply of indigenous labor due to increasing participation rates and strong economic growth. The demand-pull for foreign labor gained momentum with the onset of the economic boom in 1970, so that by the end of 1973 the number of foreign workers had doubled in comparison to 1970. The 226,800 foreign workers accounted for 8.7% of total employment. The 1974-75 recession and the weak economic development ever since resulted in a decreasing demand for labor. At the same time, the supply of indigenous labor increased as a consequence of a demographic effect and because of increasing participation rates of women. From 1981 to the present, foreign employment decreased again due to the unusually long period of economic stagnation. During 1983, 145,300 foreign workers were engaged, i.e., 5.3% of total employment. The structure for foreign employment now differs greatly from that in the 1960s. The share of women in foreign employment has increased steadily from some 20% in the early 1960s to 31% in 1973 and 40% in 1983 -- a value comparable to the Austrian female share in employment. The reduction of foreign employment since 1973 affected, above all, Yugoslav men. the share of Yugoslavs in foreign employment decreased from 196,300 or 79% in 1973 to 92,200 or 61.7% in 1983. With the duration of foreign employment rising, the disribution of foreign labor over economic branches increased. In the early 1960s the employment of foreign workers was concentrated in 3 branches -- the construction sector (32% of all foreign workers), metal industries (16%), and textile industries (10%). In 1982 only 1/3 of all foreign workers were still employed in these branches as an infiltration by foreign labor had taken place in all sectors. The services sector showed the greatest increase in foreign employment since 1975. There has never been as strong a concentration of 1 nationality in a particular economic branch as in Switzerland, Germany, or France. Case studies in Austria reveal that it was an explicit policy for firms (and also unions and entrepreneur representatives) not to depend on only 1 nationality of foreign workers. According to the case studies, about 1/3 of all foreign workers today occupy jobs which are in direct competition with indigenous labor. Another 1/3 fill jobs which are complementary to indigenous labor. For the remainder it is difficult to say to what extent they belong to one or the other segment of the labor market, because there is no information available on the occupational job structure.     

Emigration dynamics in southern Africa

This review of the dynamics of international migration in Southern Africa focuses on four aspects of labor migration: 1) while migrant workers suffer from discrimination and lack of protection, there are few alternatives for them; 2) the regulations imposed by the Chamber of Mines in South Africa favor the mining industry at the expense of the workers; 3) worker supplier states have few options for negotiating a commercialized migration policy to achieve economic benefits; and 4) foreign mine workers must unionize in order to escape perpetual subordination. The review opens with a consideration of how migrant mine workers from Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland have provided a source of cheap labor which has enhanced the economic prosperity of South Africa. The role of the Chamber of Mines in regulating the supply of labor and employment policy for its members is described. Attention is then turned to Lesotho where land pressure has exacerbated poverty levels. Large-scale migration has led the citizens of Lesotho to consider it a place to live or retire to, not a place to work. Labor migration from Lesotho is organized, is supported by the government, is recurrent, and remains a viable alternative despite faltering demand. The discussion of Lesotho includes a consideration of its political, economic, and demographic situation as well as of ecological factors. Briefer analyses are then provided for Botswana, Swaziland, and Mozambique. The receiving country, South Africa, is shown to be suffering a decline in economic growth which is marked by widespread unemployment. More than 250,000 Whites are prospective emigrants from South Africa. After considering the issues surrounding refugees, regional concerns created by changing economic and political scenarios, and labor strategies which could be adopted by supplier states, the report reiterates a series of recommendations which arose from two major conferences on the problem of unemployment. It is concluded that the tendency to emigrate is fostered by landlessness (Lesotho), surplus labor (Botswana and Swaziland), and political and economic underdevelopment (Mozambique). In order to redirect migrant flows, policies must address labor migration, political refugees, urban-rural dynamics, job-creation, income distribution, and democratization.     

Emigration dynamics in Pakistan

This study of emigration dynamics in Pakistan focuses on Pakistan's position as one of the world's leading manpower exporters. The study opens with a review of the history of international labor from the subcontinent. The second section looks at the problems with the collection of data on international migration and then considers the volume of international migration, migrant destinations, return migration, undocumented migration, and the stock of migrant workers abroad. The third section describes the economic and demographic context for overseas migration through a consideration of gross national product and the remittances of migrant workers, growth in gross domestic product, poverty and income distribution, the state of the population, labor force and employment, a profile of migrant workers, and the government's employment policy. The political and social context for overseas migration is the topic of the next section, and the discussion centers on emigration policy, institutional arrangements for manpower export and the welfare of migrants, and the economic resettlement of return migrants. Consideration of the future trends in international migration from Pakistan focuses on the cyclic nature of overseas labor migration, the existence of networks to facilitate such migration, uneven distribution of enabling resources in Pakistan, the paucity of available data, and governmental/cultural factors that promote and restrict such migration. It is concluded that both individual Pakistanis and the government consider overseas migration a positive force but that a reliance on such an ad hoc measure has costs that have not been considered by Pakistan's policy-makers.     

The industrial division of labor among immigrants and internal migrants to the Los Angeles economy

This study examined the industrial division of labor among immigrants and in-migrants in the Los Angeles, California, metropolitan area. It addresses debates about channeling of new arrivals into jobs among similar ethnic groups and human capital views. Data were obtained from the 1990 Census on resident native-born, resident foreign-born, in-migrants, and recent immigrants who arrived during 1985-90. Light and Rosenstein's (1995) concepts of groups and their resources were used to organize ideas about ethnic networks and their effectiveness in channeling migrant workers into 15 industrial sectors. Sectoral differences were revealed with the familiarity index of dissimilarity. Findings reveal that social networks were the strongest for Koreans, who supplied work for recent arrivals in the same sectors as Korean-born residents, regardless of education. Mexican new arrivals were less likely to work in the same sectors as their resident Mexican counterparts. Mexican networks placed new arrivals in durable manufacturing in the 1960s and 1970s when it was a key source of employment. By the 1980s and 1990s, the economy shifted and employment went down in durable manufacturing. Mexicans thus found employment elsewhere. Native White and Black in-migrants had the strongest channeling into same sector jobs. This is attributed to the small streams, the ability of the labor market to absorb these workers, and the availability of job vacancies among native out-migrants. Filipino migrants had similar patterns as Whites and Blacks. Mexican and Central American residents had more inter-ethnic competition over jobs than Whites or Blacks.     

新生代农民工职业化的困境与出路

近年来,农民工中的新生代农民工已经成为新产业工人的主体,但他们面临着自身素质低、二元分割劳动力市场制度、城市歧视性用工政策等方面的困境,这成为制约新生代农民工职业化和市民化的瓶颈。要突破这一困境,一方面要增强新生代农民工的职业意识,建立人力资本投入机制;另一方面要大力发展职业教育,构建职业化的就业体系,在此基础上实现新生代农民工的职业化,促进城乡一体化发展。     

Structural changes in the receiving country and future labor migration--the case of Kuwait

This article describes changes in the volume, age and sex composition, retention, productivity, types of occupation, and economic sector of the labor force in Kuwait. The focus is on the structural changes in the indigenous labor force. Data were obtained from censuses and labor force surveys during 1965-93. Policies after the 1990 invasion pertained primarily to security of public employment sector among natives. Over 98% of private sector employment is among non-Kuwaitis. Government programs support high fertility. Female illiteracy has declined, and the proportion of women with a higher education has increased. Natives comprised 20.4% of the total labor force in 1993. About 90% of native males work in the public sector. 45% of total male employment is in the production sector. Around 50% of non-Kuwaiti males have been employed in production work over the decades. Over 90% of Kuwaiti females in 1993 worked in professional or clerical work. Over 50% of total female labor force participation is in the service sector. Concentration in the public sector increased for Kuwaitis and declined for non-Kuwaitis. Labor force participation declined with increasing age. Retirement benefits encouraged early retirement. The private sector is experiencing the departure of long-term migrants and more rapid turnover of labor. Hours of work are longer in the private sector. Kuwait is still dependent on foreign workers in the production and service industries. It is likely that native male workers will replace foreign workers in professional work and administrative/clerical work. Policies that will assure future reliance on imported labor include the assurance of government jobs for Kuwaitis, retirement rules, and the profitability of the trade in labor.     

The use and abuse of female domestic workers from Sri Lanka in Lebanon

Women who migrate from Sri Lanka to become domestic workers in Lebanon face gender, class, and race discrimination that often results in abuse, yet the predicament of these women is largely ignored by local and international humanitarian and human rights agencies. Public consciousness about the plight of Asian domestic workers in the Persian Gulf region was raised in 1990 when domestic workers were repatriated in the wake of the Gulf War. In Lebanon, nearly half of the work permits granted to foreigners in 1997 were to women from Sri Lanka. This migration began in the 1970s and is sanctioned by the Sri Lanka government because of the economic benefits accruing from wages sent home by these women. Lebanese families procure domestic positions through an employment agency that arranges transportation and entry for the Sri Lankan women. These women, especially minors, often have to bribe Sri Lankan government agents to falsify travel documents. Upon arrival in Lebanon, the women have no support systems or job security. Most employment contracts last 3 years and pay $100/month with no benefits or protection from local labor laws. Domestic workers are made vulnerable by employers who withhold salaries or travel documents. Upon return to Sri Lanka, former domestic workers face social disapproval and marital problems. To redress this situation, the governments of sending and receiving countries must take action to protect female migrant workers, and nongovernmental organizations must publicize the plight of these women and take action to address the abuses they face.     

Effects of migration on family structure

This paper examines the situation and problems of migration on family structure, with emphasis on family reunification. The study is based on conditions and practices in Western Europe and Mediterranean countries relating to temporary labor migration. Most migrant workers have no intention of settling permanently and return to their country within a few years. The International Labour Office estimated in 1974 that at least 1/2 the migrant workers in Western Europe live without their families. Generally, migrants send for their families only when they are employed, earning adequate wages, and have adequate housing. Some reasons why migrants live apart from their families include 1) the receiving country discourages family immigration because it does not coincide with the economic necessities of migration policy and 2) some sending countries discourage it to ensure that the migrant worker returns to his own country. The main danger arising from family separation is that it frequently leads to the break up of the family. The leading European authorities recognize as a fundamental right the freedom of a migrant worker and his family to lead a normal family life in the receiving country. The author outlines the conditions for admission for residence and employment of migrant spouses and children for the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Belgium, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, Austria, Luxembourg, and the United Kingdom. All countries require that the head be in regular employment for some time and be able to provide his family with suitable housing. Other problems concerning the arrival of migrant spouses and children include 1) acquiring employment and social information and counseling, 2) education of children, 3) obtaining vocational training and adaptation and 4) achieving entitlement to social security benefits. The effects of migration in the family context in sending countries include 1) providing activities for migrants to maintain cultural links with their countries of origin and 2) acquiring the nationality of the receiving countries. Countries should facilitate the admission to employment of migrant spouses and children, by maintaining provisions for the reuniting of families and imposing no limits on admission to residence; and 2) by overcome obstacles to admission to employment, by observing existing recommendations. In conclusion, governments should give family cohesion 1st priority, regardless of regulations.     

Le temps du remue-ménage. Conditions d'emploi et de travail de femmes de chambre

It is now admitted that part-time work is a signal of inequality between the sexes, in both work and family. By focusing on cleavages among women, an analysis is made of how worktime and the company’s position as a subcontractor combine so as to produce inequality among wage-earners by assigning them heterogeneous statuses and thus forcing some of them to cope with precarious working, employment and living conditions. This study of the working and employment conditions of chamber maids in France focuses on those who work part or full-time in cleaning companies under contract with other firms. Inside this rather unskilled group of women, part-time work stresses the differences produced by subcontracting and worsens the inequality between stable, full-time employees and the women subcontracted at part-time who do the same job. These cleavages set off a strike among these part-time workers. Analyzing this labor dispute has shed light on the social relations running through the firm and on invisible issues in work and employment for these women with jobs in the shadows.