Earning Gaps for Chinese Immigrants in Canada and the United States

This study compares the US and Canada on the gap in earnings between Chinese immigrants and native‐born whites. Canada and the US are arguably more alike than most possible country pairings, yet they differ in significant ways in their approaches to immigration and integration. The primary difference between Canada and the US regarding immigration policy is that Canada selects a larger proportion of economic immigrants – that is, those admitted based on their ability to contribute to the economy – than the US's focus on family reunification. Canadian immigration and multicultural integration policy does not appear to improve Chinese immigrant earnings in the way that might be predicted from Canada's skilled‐based immigrant selection policy and welcoming social context. In spite of a more laissez‐faire approach to immigrant integration and a less skill‐selective immigration policy, we show that Chinese immigrants are earning relatively more in the US than in Canada.     

Economic internationalization: the new migration in Japan and the United States

"The general proposition argued in this paper is that international migrations are embedded in larger social, economic and political processes.... The first section of the paper addresses the impact of economic internationalization on the formation of new immigration flows into the U.S. during the last 25 years. The second section examines both the magnitude and forms of Japan's recent economic presence in South and Southeast Asia. The third and fourth sections briefly review questions of policy in the U.S. and Japan during the last few years.... The fifth section conveys evidence of illegal immigration to Japan. The sixth section discusses conditions in receiving countries that make possible the adaptation of immigrants with a view to understanding how illegal immigrants in Japan could become part of the Japanese economy involving Japanese employers deeply steeped in an anti-immigration culture." (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)     

The evolution of French immigration policy after May 1981

Changes and continuities in French immigration policies, following the assumption of power by the socialist government in 1981, are described. Attention is focused on the political implications of immigration and on the role of immigrants in French politics. Efforts to restrict immigration to France were initiated in 1931, but clandestine immigration, especially from Portugal, remained largely unchecked for 4 decades. In the early 1970s, stricter enforcement measures were adopted, but these measures met with considerable international and national opposition. In 1977, the government altered its approach to immigration by offering financial aid to help illegal migrants return to their countries of origin. These efforts met with little success, and in 1980 the government initiated measures to promote the integration of immigrants into French society. The socialistic government basically adhered to the immigration policies of the preceding government. The current government seeks: 1) to stop further illegal immigration through the intensification of border controls, 2) to grant amnesty to illegal aliens who currently reside in the country and who meet certain employment requirements, 3) to penalize employers who hire illegal aliens or who contract to bring illegal aliens into the country, and 4) to improve living conditions for legal immigrants. The politicalization of immigration has increased in recent years. Current issues center on the human and political rights of migrants and on arbitary administrative efforts to control immigration. It was expected that migrants would acquire political rights after the 1981 election; however, this expectation was not realized, and the political status of immigrants remains an unsettled issue. Consequently migrants have become pawns in the political struggle between different groups in the population both at the national and the local level. Immigration threatens to become an explosive issue. At the same time, migrants themselves are playing an increasingly prominent role in political activities, such as rent strikes and protest movements.     

Chinese Immigrants in the U.S. Labor Market: Effects of Post‐Tiananmen Immigration Policy1

The Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 and ensuing government crackdown affected Chinese nationals not only at home but also around the world. The U.S. government responded to the events in China by enacting multiple measures to protect Chinese nationals present in the United States. It first suspended all forced departures among Chinese nationals present in the country as of June 1989 and later gave them authorization to work legally. The Chinese Student Protection Act, passed in October 1992, made those Chinese nationals eligible for lawful permanent resident status. These actions applied to about 80,000 Chinese nationals residing in the United States on student or other temporary visas or illegally. Receiving permission to work legally and then a green card is likely to have affected recipients’ labor market outcomes. This study uses 1990 and 2000 census data to examine employment and earnings among Chinese immigrants who were likely beneficiaries of the U.S. government’s actions. Relative to immigrants from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea – countries not covered by the post‐Tiananmen immigration policy measures – highly educated immigrants from mainland China experienced significant employment and earnings gains during the 1990s. Chinese immigrants who arrived in the U.S in time to benefit from the measures also had higher relative earnings in 2000 than Chinese immigrants who arrived too late to benefit. The results suggest that getting legal work status and then a green card has a significant positive effect on skilled migrants’ labor market outcomes.     

Labour market career among young Finnish immigrants in Sweden: a longitudinal study

"The conditions for young immigrants in the Swedish labour market have been widely discussed in recent years. One hypothesis put forward is that young immigrants tend to remain in jobs with low wages, high risks of unemployment and bad working environments, and their mobility out of such jobs is low.... Because composition of the immigrant group, through immigration and re-emigration, changes over time, the use of longitudinal studies is especially useful. However, only a few such studies have been conducted in Sweden, none of which gives special attention to the labour market careers of immigrant youth. The aim of this paper is to remedy this deficiency by using comprehensive longitudinal data for the period 1970 to 1990. Finnish-born youth were selected for study because they are the largest immigrant group in Sweden." (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)     

Race,class and the shaping of a policy for immigrants: the case of the Netherlands

Ethnic stratification constitutes a (potential) threat to social stability. The major factors that determine the immigrants' position are 1) ethnic differences between them and the original population (and among the various immigrant groups themselves) and 2) the social system of the receiving society and the way in which the major distribution mechanisms in that system operate. For a very long period immigration policy in the Netherlands was based on the principle that it was not a country of immigration and it would not become one. Thus, it had a rather liberal admissions policy until 1980 because immigration was not expected to lead to permanent settlement. Ethnic minority groups constitute about 4.3% of the total population, but they are heavily overrepresented in the metropolitan areas. The culturalist approach in Dutch policy allowed opportunities for migrants to retain their own "cultural identity." During the 1970s the government supported the creation of a variety of institutions which served exclusively the different immigrant groups. After the policy change in the 1980s the Dutch allowed the immigrant institutions to continue to exist, to provide a "shelter" which would help the migrants emancipate within Dutch society. Meanwhile, they launched campaigns to inform the Dutch about immigrant cultures. This approach encountered difficulties: 1) the relatively small size of each immigrant group, the large and growing differences and oppositions within these groups, and their geographical dispersal, often made it impossible to set up separate institutions with even minimal viability; 2) there was a lack of leaders in most minority groups; 3) the economic crisis of the early 1980s hit the immigrants much more strongly than the general population; and 4) a "blame-the-victim" attitude developed among a growing number of Dutchmen. In 1983 the government shifted to a structuralist approach, by striving to overcome social disadvantage and achieve legal equality. This approach also has its limitations. Recently, institutional racism has been growing. The government now aims to have immigrants proportionally represented in all major institutions, but it is only on a voluntary basis. The author concludes: 1) both the cultural and the structuralist approach are insufficient in overcoming the migrants marginal position; and 2) culturalist and structuralist approaches clash sometimes. Ethnic pluralism should no longer be viewed as a stage in integration processes, but rather as one of its possible outcomes.     

The 'explosiveness' of chain migration: research and policy issues. Introduction and overview

This is an introduction to Volume 23, Number 4, of the International Migration Review. This issue "focuses on the legislative and social science interface concerning the complex issue of whether the current system of United States legal immigration is promoting or facilitating an 'explosive' multiplication of immigrants.... The purpose of this collection of articles is to present the most current evidence and policy analyses of the size and composition of the immigration 'multiplier.' It assumes that there is merit in focusing attention on the overlapping interests of social science researchers and legislative analysts regarding how the system of legal immigration actually operates in promoting or reproducing future waves of immigrants."     

The "amnesty" aftermath: current policy issues stemming from the legalization programs of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act

"The 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) created two one-time only legalization programs affecting nearly 3 million undocumented immigrants. Legalization has produced important changes among immigrants and in immigration policy. These changes include new patterns of immigrant social and economic adaptation to the United States and new immigrant flows through family ties to IRCA-legalized aliens.... This article combines data from a longitudinal survey of the IRCA-legalized population with qualitative field data on current immigration issues from key informants in eight high-immigration metropolitan areas. It reviews the political evolution and early implementation of legalization, the current socioeconomic position of legalized aliens, and changes in the immigration ?policy space' resulting from legalization."     

Immigration and cultural policies: a bone of contention between the Province of Quebec and the Canadian federal government

"This article addresses the way in which the Province of Quebec has obtained increasing power in the area of immigration.... Data from interviews with key members of [the Ministry of Immigration] and from selected documents are drawn on to illustrate Quebec's cultural politics. The Quebec position on the question of immigration as it has evolved in the context of immigration policies defined by the federal government in Ottawa is examined.... In particular, the present article considers how attempts to construct a cultural identity and a nation-state in Quebec have had important consequences for immigration policy and for attitudes and policies concerning Quebec's cultural minorities. The emergence of the notion of 'cultural communities' as a result of the constitutional rivalry and the on-going struggle for legitimacy between Quebec and Ottawa is also explored."     

Lessons in Democracy: America's Tenuous History with Immigrants

Taking an uncompromising stance on immigration enforcement, the Trump administration has been sharply criticized for its policies and racially coded rhetoric of immigrants as criminals or undesirables. Despite this criticism, the administration's policies fall in line with historically widespread, exclusionary, nativist and xenophobic attitudes towards immigrants. Much of the American immigrant story has been a tortuous struggle for equality, integration and civil rights. This essay takes a critical look at the complicated history of immigration policy during the last century, focusing on the social, economic and political forces that helped shape legislation.     

Colonial legacy of ethno-racial inequality in Japan

This essay challenges anti-historicist accounts that sever the link between the colonial past and present, replacing them with a more historically nuanced understanding of Japan’s immigration policies and their relation to ethno-racial inequality. Contrary to the dominant view that transnational immigration is new to Japan, this article shows that Japan already had a history of immigration in the early twentieth century, and this history generated a lasting impact on postwar immigration policies and their integration. While recognizing the impact of structural and individual factors, this essay underscores a path-dependent approach that demonstrates how colonial exclusion led to the formation of a durable structure of inequality against low skilled labor immigrants, and thus how such a colonial legacy has continued to limit the life chances and integration of subsequent immigrants in Japan since the 1980s.     

Reverse Inclusion: Black Francophones in the Interface between Anti‐Black Racism and Linguicism

In this article, I contend that first generation of Black African Francophone immigrants in Canada regress through the three phases of immigration, which are settlement, adaptation, and integration. This plight occurs while immigrants ought to be progressing from a phase of immigration to a succeeding one. It is generated by linguicism and anti‐Black racism that afflict Black Francophones. Settlement is largely successful, adaption is largely a failure, while integration is completely a failure. This critical analysis problematizes a quandary about Canada and paves the way for implementing mechanism to improve the inclusion of Black Francophones.     

The Great Recession and the Allure of New Immigrant Destinations in the United States

In the 1990s, the immigrant population in the United States dispersed to non‐traditional settlement locations (what have become known as “new immigrant destinations”). This paper examines whether the allure of new destinations persisted in the 2000s with a particular focus on the internal migration of the foreign‐born during the recent deep recessionary period and its aftermath. Three specific questions motivate the analysis. First, are immigrants, much like the U.S.‐born population, becoming less migratory within the country over time? Second, is immigrant dispersal from traditional gateways via internal migration continuing despite considerable economic contraction in many new destination metropolitan areas? Third, is immigration from aboard a substitute for what appears to be declining immigrant internal migration to new destinations? The findings reveal a close correlation between the declining internal migration propensity of the U.S.‐born and immigrants in the last two decades. We also observe parallels between the geographies of migration of native‐ and foreign‐born populations with both groups moving to similar metropolitan areas in the 1990s. This redistributive association, however, weakened in the subsequent decade as new destination metropolitan areas lost their appeal for both groups, especially immigrants. There is no evidence to suggest that immigration from abroad is substituting for the decline in immigrant redistribution through internal migration to new destinations. Across destination types, the relationship between immigration from abroad and the internal migration of the foreign‐born remained the same during and after the Great Recession as in the period immediately before it.     

Economic achievement of immigrants in Japan: Examining the role of country-of-origin and host-country-specific human capital in an inflexible labor market

The economic integration of immigrants is a salient social issue in Japan. Although the US immigration literature has stressed the importance of host-country-specific human capital over country-of-origin human capital for immigrants, previous studies in Japan have shown mixed results about the effects of these two types of human capital on the economic integration of immigrants. The mixed results might be because previous studies focused on only specific immigrant groups (with regard to nationalities, cities, and visa status), human capital variables, and dimensions of economic achievements in the Japanese labor market. The segmented nature of the Japanese labor market structure and immigration policies create different pathways to “economic achievements” of immigrants depending on the dimension of “economic achievements” studied. By conducting a nationally representative social survey of Japanese immigrants, we examined the association between the two types of human capital (i.e., country-of-origin and host-country-specific) and the three indicators of labor market success: employment status and firm size, occupational status, and income. Our results indicate that host-country-specific human capital in the form of higher education and language proficiency is important for all three indicators of economic achievement in Japan, while country-of-origin human capital in the form of higher education and vocational skills is transferable to some extent. Our results suggest that the significance of human capital in immigrants' economic success is determined not only by the structure of the labor market but also by immigration policies.     

Migration to Israel: the mythology of "uniqueness"

The article explores the widespread assumption that immigration to Israel is a unique phenomenon which differs structurally from migration to other places. This assumption stems from the view that migrants to other destinations generally leave a place they consider home to find a new home. In terms of the Israeli construction, Jews have been "strangers" in their countries of origin and seek to find a new home by means of migration.
The Law of Return (1950), which established an open-door policy for Jews and extensive support benefits for immigrants in a context of presumed social consensus, has generally been thought to be sui generis . The article considers evidence that shows that in the 1980s and 1990s, Israel is becoming more like other Western countries which admit large numbers of refugees, asylum seekers, foreign workers, persons seeking family unification and diaspora migrants.
As in other migration societies, multi-ethnicity poses problems of cultural integration and some groups seek actively to retain major elements of their earlier cultural heritage.
Immigrants have become an identifiable political force to be reckoned with. There is more overt questioning within the society of the open-door policy for Jewish immigrants than in previous years. Nevertheless, the tradition of "uniqueness" remains strong in the sociology of migration in Israel. Consideration of the empirical reality at the end of the 1990s suggests that the sociology of migration in the Israel context has many important parallels in other societies and is best understood in a global context of theory and practice.     

“Those who come to do harm”: The Framings of Immigration Problems in Costa Rican Immigration Law

This article examines the political rationales at work behind the particularly repressive 2006 Costa Rican immigration law and subsequent immigration reform process and resulting 2010 law through an analysis of two rival framings of immigration in Costa Rica. First, I examine how the rushed nature of the 2006 law constructed a crisis in which migrants, particularly Nicaraguans, represented urgent threats to national security. Next, I examine the 2010 law that emerged from the reform process and the alternative framings of immigration as an issue of human rights and integration that migration advocates contributed to the new law. I argue that the juxtaposition of integration and security frameworks in the new law reinforces the law's most repressive measures, contributing to an overall project of securitization and marginalization of immigrants.     

Growing up Without Status: The Integration of Children in Mixed‐Status Families

Over the past three decades, a central new challenge confronting millions of children of immigrants has emerged: growing up in a mixed‐status family in which at least one member lacks legal authorization to live and work in the United States. A body of recent research argues that unauthorized immigrant status is the fundamental determinant of integration for unauthorized immigrants, with intergenerational consequences for their U.S.‐born children. We discuss the immigration and other policies that create the particular social context within which unauthorized immigration status becomes so detrimental for integration. Specifically, we focus on federal and state policies that undermine the very factors thought to protect children and support the integration of new generations of Americans: families and social networks, economic resources and opportunities, and health. We conclude with recommendations for future research.     

Apathy and Antipathy: Media Coverage of Restrictive Immigration Legislation and the Maintenance of Symbolic Boundaries

Although the government no longer explicitly establishes boundaries of whiteness, it continues to play a central role in shaping symbolic boundaries between immigrants and nonimmigrants through immigration lawmaking. However, the salience of these boundaries may depend on how the media disseminate them to the public. In this study, we investigate media framing of immigration lawmaking using an original data set of news coverage of six of the most widely recognized exclusionary immigration bills and laws at different levels of government. Two patterns emerged from an iterative frame analysis. First, in their coverage of frames critical of these bills and laws, outlets devoted more attention to the effects of exclusionary legislation for nonimmigrants. Second, in their coverage of frames supportive of the restrictive legislation, outlets provided more space to those who openly associated immigrants with criminality and terrorism. Regardless of outlets’ seemingly neutral stance toward restrictive legislation, their disparate coverage of exclusionary lawmaking demonstrates apathy and antipathy toward immigrants, which has repercussions for the maintenance of inequality.     

Immigration and citizenship debates: reflections of ten common themes

"This article begins with the view that access to citizenship and to citizenship rights has become the principal object of struggle between immigrants and the rest of society in Western Europe.... In examining ten recurring themes of current debates on immigration and citizenship, the author hopes to summarise and critically examine the main arguments. The article also tries to show that arguments against the extension of rights to immigrants generally give priority to collective rather than individual rights. In this way, human rights violations towards immigrants are sanctioned (and sometimes even recommended) by socialist and conservative writers alike.... This article concentrates on themes relating to the acquisition of citizenship in the metropolitan state by immigrants from the former colonies." (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)     

Undocumented Latina immigrants in Orange County,California: a comparative analysis

"This article examines a unique data set randomly collected from Latinas (including 160 undocumented immigrants) and non-Hispanic white women in Orange County, California, including undocumented and documented Latina immigrants, Latina citizens, and non-Hispanic white women. Our survey suggests that undocumented Latinas are younger than documented Latinas, and immigrant Latinas are generally younger than U.S.-citizen Latinas and Anglo women. Undocumented and documented Latinas work in menial service sector jobs, often in domestic services. Most do not have job-related benefits such as medical insurance.... Despite their immigration status, undocumented Latina immigrants often viewed themselves as part of a community in the United States, which significantly influenced their intentions to stay in the United States. Contrary to much of the recent public policy debate over immigration, we did not find that social services influenced Latina immigrants' intentions to stay in the United States."