Do incentives matter? – Evaluation of a family planning program in India

Indian Family Planning programs in the past haveintroduced a number of approaches such as providingmonetary benefits, and motivational programs toimprove contraceptive use among rural illiteratewomen. Under the Ammanpettai family welfare program,the Melatur PHC administered three program typesinvolving a combination of monetary and motivationalapproaches to improve contraceptive use in threetreatment areas. The program was introduced duringJanuary 1989 and was simultaneously discontinued aftera period of two years. The present evaluation wasconducted in 1994. Data from a random sample of 933non-sterilized women at the time of social surveyusing a questionnaire approach is used in this study. The implementation of incentive programs in asocio-economically homogenous population has resultedin an increase in the likelihood of current ofcontraceptive use. The results of this study suggestthat motivational programs are more likely to improvelong term use of temporary family planning methodsthan cash incentive programs. One implication of ourfinding is that motivational programs should provide peer based family planning education and training incommunity work to contact persons who make door todoor visits to promote family planning programs.     

Women--the deciding factor in family planning?

Prominent women from Korea, Nepal, India, Philippines, Thailand, and Afghanistan discuss family planning attitudes in broad terms. Educated women in urban areas make decisions regarding birth control and family size, but the tradition in most developing countries is that of the man in the authority role. Family planning is intrinsically a joint decision. Obligations to family and family lineage prohibit family planning. In the Philippines, Catholicism is the dominant religion and because of population density, encourages family planning. For economic and social reasons, rural families prefer more children. The changing role of women to include jobs and education will have a positive effect on family planning. The representative from Nepal points out that it is necessary to have family planning in order to have changing women's roles. Rather than emphasizing smaller family size, it is recommended by concensus, that family planners communicate health and nutritional benefits for each individual child.     

farmers'''' paintings promote family planning

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Is breast-feeding a substitute for contraception in family planning?

Using data from the Cebu Longitudinal Health and Nutrition Survey, I disentangle the complex interrelationship between breast-feeding, postpartum amenorrhea, and choice of contraceptive method. I find evidence that women substitute breast-feeding for contraception. Further, endogeneity bias, if not controlled, would cause the relationship to be slightly overstated. In addition, the results suggest that although increased education and income result in decreased breast-feeding, any effect on fertility will be offset by changes in contraceptive use.     

Do amnesty programs reduce undocumented immigration? Evidence from Irca

This article examines whether mass legalization programs reduce future undocumented immigration. We focus on the effects of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, which granted amnesty to nearly 2.7 million undocumented immigrants. We report that apprehensions of persons attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally declined immediately following passage of the law but returned to normal levels during the period when undocumented immigrants could file for amnesty and the years thereafter. Our findings suggest that the amnesty program did not change long-term patterns of undocumented immigration from Mexico.     

Has the Chinese family planning policy been successful in changing fertility preferences?

Has China’s strict one-child policy been successful in changing fertility preferences? Using linked data from surveys conducted in four counties of northern China in 1991 and 1994, we compare reproductive behavior against prior fertility preferences and show when and where women change from wanting to not wanting more children. The acceptance of policy-sanctioned family size follows a development gradient and reflects the degree of enforcement. High acceptance occurs in the most urban, industrialized county and in the county with the most rigid family planning policy. Acceptance is weaker among women living in the poorest county and in the county where enforcement is most lenient.     

Do downward private transfers enhance maternal labor supply? Evidence from around Europe

Using data on 2,317 mother–daughter pairs from 10 European countries, we investigate the impact of downward time and monetary transfers on the career choices of transfer-receiving young mothers. For Europe as a whole, we find a strong positive effect of grandchild care on the labor force participation and the degree of labor market involvement of the young mother, but no impact of monetary transfers on either of these decisions. Both recipients and donors with better endowments are more likely to participate in a monetary transaction, while mothers with lower level of human capital are more likely to provide time transfers to their better endowed daughters.     

How do family planning workers’ visits affect women’s contraceptive behavior in bangladesh?

In Bangladesh, family planning workers' visits reduce the costs of contraception and may increase the demand. If visits increase demand or if workers are targeting their visits, past visits by family planning workers should have a positive and significant effect on later probabilities of adopting contraceptive methods. Longitudinal data show that past visits are not significant in hazard models for adoption of contraceptive methods, whereas visits in the current round are significant. Therefore family planning workers' visits affect women's contraceptive behavior by decreasing the costs of contraception. Results of contraceptive discontinuation hazard models further support this hypothesis.     

Do early life and contemporaneous macroconditions explain health at older ages?

This paper presents an approach that assesses the role of early life and contemporaneous macroconditions in explaining health at older ages. In particular, we investigate the role of exposure to diseases and economic conditions during infancy and childhood, as well as the effect of current health care facilities. Specific attention is paid to the impact of unobserved heterogeneity, selective attrition, and omitted relevant macrovariables. We apply our approach to self-reports on functional limitations of Dutch older individuals. The prevalence of functional limitations is found to increase in the 1990s, in part due to restricted access to hospital care.     

Women’s health and pregnancy outcomes: Do services make a difference?

We use data from the Indonesia Family Life Survey to investigate the impact of a major expansion in access to midwifery services on health and pregnancy outcomes for women of reproductive age. Between 1990 and 1998 Indonesia trained some 50,000 midwives. Between 1993 and 1997 these midwives tended to be placed in relatively poor communities that were relatively distant from health centers. We show that additions of village midwives to communities between 1993 and 1997 are associated with a significant increase in body mass index in 1997 relative to 1993 for women of reproductive age, but not for men or for older women. The presence of a village midwife during pregnancy is also associated with increased birthweight. Both results are robust to the inclusion of community-level fixed effects, a strategy that addresses many of the concerns about biases because of nonrandom program placement.     

Can expanding access to basic healthcare improve children's health status? Lessons from Indonesia's 'midwife in the village' programme

In the 1990s, the Indonesian government placed over 50,000 midwives in communities throughout the country. We examine how this expansion in health services affected children's height-for-age. To address the problem that midwives were not randomly allocated to communities, the estimation exploits the biology of childhood growth, the timing of the introduction of midwives to communities, and rich longitudinal data. The evidence indicates that the nutritional status of children fully exposed to a midwife during early childhood is significantly better than that of their peers of the same age and cohort in communities without a midwife. The former are also better off than children assessed at the same age from the same communities but who were born before the midwife arrived. Within communities, the improvement in nutritional status across cohorts is greater where midwives were introduced than where they were not. This result is robust to the inclusion of community fixed effects.     

Household allocation decisions and child health: can behavioral responses to vitamin A supplementation programs explain heterogeneous effects?

Biological research predicts that giving children vitamin A supplements will significantly reduce mortality from diarrheal and respiratory infections, but evaluations of supplementation programs in the field have produced a wide range of estimated mortality effects. In this paper, I explain these differences by differential household behavioral responses to programs. I find evidence that the mortality effect varies by observable determinants of household allocation to children. Additionally, I find that households improve malaria prevention for children that receive vitamin A supplements and that this effect varies by the same household allocation determinants.     

Chinese Experts Reflect on Women＇s Reproductive Health Effective family planning must consider the effect of the contraceptive method on the general health of women

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Have family income mobility patterns changed?

We examine the mobility of individuals in the United States based on equivalent family income-that is, total income of all family members adjusted for family size according to the equivalence scale implicit in the U.S. poverty line. Our analysis, which tracks movements across quintiles, centers on four questions: How much movement is there across the family income distribution? How has this mobility changed over time? To what extent are the movements attributable to factors related to changes in family composition versus events in the labor markets? In light of major socioeconomic changes occurring in the quarter-century under study, have the determinants of mobility changed over time? Our findings indicate that mobility rates in the 1980s differed little from those in the 1970s. However, individuals in families headed by a young person or a person without a college education were less likely to experience upward mobility in the 1980s than in the 1970s.     

Do family caps reduce out-of-wedlock births? Evidence from Arkansas,Georgia, Indiana,New Jersey and Virginia

During the 1990s, 23 states implemented family cap policies as a means to reduce the incidence of out-of-wedlock births among welfare recipients. Using Current Population Survey data from 1989 to 1999, we examine the impact of family cap policies on the birth rates of single, less-educated women with children. We use the first five states that were granted waivers from the Department of Health and Human Services to implement family caps as natural experiments. Specifically, we compare trends in out-of-wedlock birth rates in Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, New Jersey and Virginia to trends in states that did not implement family caps or any other waivers prior to the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act. We employ several techniques to increase the credibility of results from our natural experiment, such as the inclusion of multiple comparison groups, controls for differential time trends, and difference-in-difference-in-differences estimators. Our regression estimates generally do not provide evidence that family cap policies reduce the incidence of out-of-wedlock births among single, less-educated women with children.     

Do Immigrants Work In Riskier Jobs?

Recent media and government reports suggest that immigrants are more likely to hold jobs with poor working conditions than U.S.-born workers, perhaps because immigrants work in jobs that “ natives don’t want.” Despite this widespread view, earlier studies have not found immigrants to be in riskier jobs than natives. This study combines individual-level data from the 2003-2005 American Community Survey with Bureau of Labor Statistics data on work-related injuries and fatalities to take a fresh look at whether foreign-born workers are employed in more dangerous jobs. The results indicate that immigrants are in fact more likely to work in risky jobs than U.S.-born workers, partly due to differences in average characteristics, such as immigrants’ lower English-language ability and educational attainment.     

Do children stabilize relationships in Denmark?

In this paper, we study the relationship between fertility behavior and the process of relationship duration. The potential endogeneity of fertility on dissolution risk is taken into account by modeling fertility and dissolution jointly. We apply the timing-of-event method (Abbring and van den Berg, Econometrica 71(5):1491–1517, 2003) to identify the causal effect of births on the dissolution hazard. We show that couples who are less prone to split up are more prone to invest in children, and therefore, one might (mistakenly) conclude that children stabilize relationships. However, when correcting for the selectivity bias arising from the fertility decision, we conclude that children themselves have a negative effect on relationship duration.      

What's happening to U.S. family size?

A telephone survey by Zero Population Growth demographers found that birthrates have risen slightly for the 1st quarter of 1977. Average estimated family size is now 1.85 children per women compared with 1.77 for the 1st quarter of 1976. For all of 1976 the total fertility rate was 1.76 children per woman. It is predicted, on the basis of the informal survey, that the total fertility rate will rise to 2.0 or 2.1 children by the early or mid-1980s. In 1976, married women expected an average of 2.4 children each. Wives 18-24 expected 2.1 children each while older women (35-39) expected 3.0. Many women are delaying births. Wives 18-24 have an average of .8 children each, wives 25-29 have 1.6 children each. Campbell Gibson, former chief of the projections branch of the Census Bureau, believes births will not reach levels of expectations becuase of the financial, employment, and social problems the huge Baby Boom age group faces throughout its lifetime. The undecided women in the surveys reduce the predictive value. 18% of single women aged 14-39 and 8% of married women in the same age group said they were uncertain about how many children they would have. Since the personalitites and motivations of this undecided group are similar to those who expect to remain childless, it is possible that this group will have fewer children. Such nondemographic factors as media publicity about low fertility rates may inspire some couples to have children. Conversely, the postponement of births may enable couples to become comfortable with a certain lifestyle and these couples may not have as many children as they expect. Social norms are already changing. The percent of wives expecting to be childless rose from 1.3 to 4.1% between 1967-1975. Those expecting only 1 child rose from 6.1 to 11.2%.