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1.
This study focuses on the role of social networks in the decision-making process in migration which occurs between developed countries, specifically in immigration from North America to Israel. The central declared motives for immigration were religious; nevertheless, “materialistic” issues were also mentioned. The decision-making process was long, usually taking from 2 to 10 years. Information was gathered via personal contacts from social networks, during visits to Israel, and from Jewish organisations. The Internet also played a major role in this process. Networks that were set up by Israeli and Jewish organisations were found to be especially effective in organising immigration because they connected non-numerous dispersed individuals, who were thinking about Aliyah, and needed various kinds of support.  相似文献   

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This study examines the impacts of immigration policies adopted by the Korean government, vis‐a‐vis other economic, social, demographic, and political factors, on labour migration from developing countries to South Korea using a modified gravity model. The model is extended to marriage‐related migrants to gain insights on marriage migration. The positive results in three out of the five immigration policies examined affirm that liberal policies are associated with increased migration, especially for preferred groups like ethnic Koreans, marriage migrants, and professionals. The positive effects of “push” factors such as population, unemployment, and inflation are generally similar to their effects on migration to the US, Canada, Germany, and the UK despite its more rapid transition from a migrant‐sending into a migrant‐receiving country. Political terror's non‐significance may be due to South Korea's limited asylum policy. Finally, the results of the extended model imply that marriage migration share plenty of similarities with labour migration.  相似文献   

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This article outlines a set of economic criteria to assess an immigrant‐receiving country's immigration policy from three perspectives. These three perspectives include the resident population, the immigrant, and the sending country viewpoints. An expanded version of Julian Simon's financial transfer model, which includes employment and capital externalities, is developed to assess the efficacy of an immigration policy from the resident's viewpoint. Next, Chiswick's earnings “catch‐up” model is expanded in an employment dimension to create an assessment criterion for the resident immigrant population. Finally, a comprehensive reverse transfer criterion is outlined to provide an assessment criterion for sending regions. These criteria are then applied to selected European and North American immigrant receiving countries.  相似文献   

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Despite the increasing constriction of immigrants' rights at the federal level, local responses have been much more varied, countering, compensating for, even transforming policies originating from the national core. This article attributes this divergence in part to the multi‐layered, ambiguous, and contradictory structure of the U.S. nation‐state in the context of a transnational economy and society. It shows how three facets of state structural complexity‐its multiple levels, diverse administrative branches, and decentralized agencies‐have created openings for local actors, deploying normative arguments as to the issues at stake, to reshape the outcomes of U.S. immigration policy on the ground.  相似文献   

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This study examines new immigrants from the former USSR, their attitudes, expectations and the awareness of change in themselves and in their fellow immigrants. Participants demonstrated attitudes toward the new society which differed dramatically depending on the sphere of life being examined: cultural, institutional, or quotidian. Participants displayed a tendency toward integration in the institutional and quotidian spheres, but not in the cultural. An attitude toward integration did not automatically lead to an awareness of change in the new immigrants themselves. Participants consistently reported higher degrees of change in fellow immigrants in comparison to themselves. The issue of preservation of self‐identity through socio‐cultural conservation is discussed, as well as the relevance of these findings for Vygotsky's cultural‐historical theory and Feuerstein's theory of mediated learning.  相似文献   

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Family reunification is widely seen as a relatively stable feature of the contemporary U.S. immigration regime protected by the nation’s liberal democratic institutions and humanitarian values. Drawing on critical scholarship that situates immigration policies in racial nation‐building projects, this article explores the development of U.S. family‐based admission policies from 1965 to the early 2000s. I bring attention to the role of racial family logics in the changing character and meaning of these policies. Racial family logics reflect the emergent and contested ways in which families are both idealized and institutionally organized in relation to the state, the economy, and other social institutions to support racial projects. A normative conception of “the family” as a white, heterosexual, male wage earner, nuclear household unit informed the 1965 U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act and its emphasis on family‐based admissions. However, by the 1990s, the landscape of immigration, race, and family in the United States had shifted quite dramatically. The family‐based admissions system was now associated with immigrants from Asia and Latin America rather than Europe. The “browning” of the system was accompanied by its incorporation into racialized projects of state discipline, surveillance, and control over those deemed “undeserving” in relation to neoliberal values of self‐reliant and self‐regulating families.  相似文献   

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胡琪 《科学发展》2013,(9):73-80
随着社会经济的发展和本地户籍人口老龄化速度的上升,上海加大了人口迁入的力度,户籍迁入人口规模逐渐扩大。但是,迁入人口的类型主要是求学类迁入和投靠类迁入,户籍制度在导入人才和就业类迁入方面的作用并不大。上海的户籍准入尚未在整体上建立起公开与公平的机制,人口迁移管理体制和政策有待统筹协调。根据全国城乡协调发展和上海自身可持续发展的形势要求,上海必将加大人口迁入的力度,为此,上海必须进一步完善户籍人口迁入导向政策。  相似文献   

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Canada's immigration system is currently undergoing significant change driven by several goals that include (1) a desire to improve the economic outcomes of entering immigrants; (2) an attempt to better respond to short‐term regional labor market shortages often associated with commodity booms, and (3) a desire to shift immigration away from the three largest cities to other regions of the country. These goals reflect the implementation of new immigration programs in the 2000s. The paper discusses the recent changes to Canadian immigration policy, examines preliminary evaluations of the new programs and discusses potential future issues emanating from the changes.  相似文献   

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Based on an ethnography of one illuminating case – the formulation of new immigration policy statement entitled “Together, we are Quebec” between 2014 and 2016 – this article argues that policy formulation is an important site of power and influence over immigration-related policies for bureaucrats. In dialogue with concepts and theories from public administration, it demonstrates that a broad mandate of reform and modernization, coupled with political tensions surrounding diversity, created opportunities for the bureaucracy to influence Quebec's immigration policy following its interests, relations, expertise and experience. In this case, the bureaucracy's influence operated through two pathways: problem definition and consensus building. While this influence is partially contingent on political and institutional characteristics of the Quebec context, this case shows that scholarship on immigration policy and politics should embrace a much broader reading of the influence of bureaucrats on the content and development of immigration-related policies.  相似文献   

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This article posits three main questions: – Is there a general “mechanism” through which disparities in regional development affect patterns of cross-district migration? – Which aspects of regional inequalities (climate, employment, housingavailability, etc.) have the most profound effect on rates and directionof inter-area migration? – Which planning policies and strategies are conducive to increasing the migration attractiveness of peripheral development regions? In an attempt to answer these questions, the 1985-1995 statistical data fortwo relatively small and densely populated countries – Israel and Japan – are used. A general model of the factors affecting cross-district migration is suggested, and analysis-of-variance is used to explain the factors influencing rate of cross-area migration in the two countries. Although these countries differ substantially in respect to population sizeand local development, they appear to exhibit considerable similarities ingeneral patterns of cross-district migration. Since the late 1980s, the attractiveness of core regions in both countries has tended to decline, while that of peripheral areas appeared to grow. It is argued that this resemblance of migration patterns is related to a similarbalance of employment and housing availability in different geographicareas.  相似文献   

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In 2003, New Zealand introduced a novel “expression of interest” (EOI) system for selecting skilled migrants. In 2012, Australia adopted a similar approach while the Canadian government is proposing to adopt a variant of the EOI system in 2015. From being a follower of Canadian and Australian immigration policy initiatives, New Zealand has become the innovator. This paper examines the reasons for this significant policy shift and reviews some outcomes of the EOI system during the first decade of operation. As the international competition for talent intensifies, such policy innovation is essential if countries are going to attract skilled migrants.  相似文献   

18.
国家寻求核技术主要出于核武器和核民用两个目的,具有政治、安金和经济三重动因,核选择必须满足动因的需要才能够促进国家利益最大化。中东国家核选择动因不仅受到国内政治、经济、社会形势的影响,而且受地区和国际形势的影响。美国对中东国家核选择执行多重标准,中东国家采取了模糊、强硬与温和的核政策。伊朗核问题的曲折变化集中反映了伊朗核计划与其动机存在非契合性,当前正处于微妙的阶段。  相似文献   

19.
The Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 and ensuing government crackdown affected Chinese nationals not only at home but also around the world. The U.S. government responded to the events in China by enacting multiple measures to protect Chinese nationals present in the United States. It first suspended all forced departures among Chinese nationals present in the country as of June 1989 and later gave them authorization to work legally. The Chinese Student Protection Act, passed in October 1992, made those Chinese nationals eligible for lawful permanent resident status. These actions applied to about 80,000 Chinese nationals residing in the United States on student or other temporary visas or illegally. Receiving permission to work legally and then a green card is likely to have affected recipients’ labor market outcomes. This study uses 1990 and 2000 census data to examine employment and earnings among Chinese immigrants who were likely beneficiaries of the U.S. government’s actions. Relative to immigrants from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea – countries not covered by the post‐Tiananmen immigration policy measures – highly educated immigrants from mainland China experienced significant employment and earnings gains during the 1990s. Chinese immigrants who arrived in the U.S in time to benefit from the measures also had higher relative earnings in 2000 than Chinese immigrants who arrived too late to benefit. The results suggest that getting legal work status and then a green card has a significant positive effect on skilled migrants’ labor market outcomes.  相似文献   

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This article uses Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework to explain forms of national‐ and region‐level governance used in the Russian Federation to manage unprecedented levels of international immigration. First, we identify the ways that the Russian federal government has legislated and governed international migration from 1991 through 2010. We then compare the federal level to the case of the Krasnodar region, an ethnically diverse region in the North Caucasus. We find that that migration policy adoption in Russia at the federal level is relatively immune to economic trends or labour needs but more sensitive to foreign and domestic political objectives. At the regional level, local socio‐political and economic concerns predominate and political objectives are secondary. Finally, we argue that migration policy changes or adopted policy at the regional level may be explained by an interaction effect between changes in political leadership, federal level policy adoption, and regional level context.  相似文献   

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