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In this paper we take a view of advertising and certain other nonprice competition as public goods. This leads to a new fundamental justification of the zero price distribution of advertising, coupled with a mark-up of the advertised good as a disguised form of price discrimination which approximates that required for efficient pricing of a public good. Further, we present a numerical counterexample wherein the commonly-observed zero price distribution of advertising is shown to lead to higher consumer and seller welfare than its separate sales at cost. 相似文献
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This paper reports on a series of laboratory experiments designed to evaluate a mechanism for the voluntary provision of public good. The public good is provided if the total contributions meet or exceed a threshold and all contributions are returned if the public good is not provided. The members of the group all know the threshold, the incomes, and the valuations assigned the public good by all other members. The results support the prediction that this mechanism will yield Pareto efficient outcomes and suggest that economic agents adopt strategies which form equilibria satisfying certain refinements to the Nash equilibrium. 相似文献
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THE EFFECT OF REWARDS AND SANCTIONS IN PROVISION OF PUBLIC GOODS 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
A growing number of field and experimental studies focus on the institutional arrangements by which individuals are able to solve collective action problems. Important in this research is the role of reciprocity and institutions that facilitate cooperation via opportunities for monitoring, sanctioning, and rewarding others. Sanctions represent a cost to both the participant imposing the sanction and the individual receiving the sanction. Rewards represent a zero-sum transfer from participants giving to those receiving rewards. We contrast reward and sanction institutions in regard to their impact on cooperation and efficiency in the context of a public goods experiment . ( JEL C92) 相似文献
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DANIEL B. KLEIN 《Economic inquiry》1990,28(4):788-812
The turnpike companies of early America (roughly 1795–1840) were very unprofitable but conferred vast benefits to communities served. Purchasing stock was like paying for the road since such purchases were necessary to complete the road and unprofitability was foreseen. Thus the turnpikes would appear to have been public goods. Yet hundreds of turnpikes were provided through voluntary association. The free rider problem was overcome by an almost vigilant impulse to participate and to see that your neighbor did likewise. 相似文献
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David Jacobs 《The Sociological quarterly》1987,28(4):437-454
Many writers have speculated about the connection between economic resources of corporations and their ability to dominate politics in democratic societies with advanced capitalist economies. Using a cross-sectional analysis of business taxes in the American states, this study examines the political impact of four economic resources that are plausibly related to heightened business political influence. With seven factors held constant, I find that states with larger enterprises are most likely to have lower taxes on manufacturing, but concentrated sales do not have any effect on these taxes. The degree to which the organizational efforts of firms are handicapped because industry products are diverse also has an independent relationship with state and local taxes paid by manufacturers, but this relationship does not hold when the least industrial states are excluded from the equations. I also find that where competition between political parties is most intense, tax policies will be less likely to favor business interests. It follows that the evidence in this study is consistent with a hypothesis that firms can translate their formidable economic resources into political influence at the state and local level. 相似文献
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Dr. Fine, who attended the course described in this, report,has been a staff member of the New York Times for fire years. 相似文献
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TAXATION, AGGREGATE ACTIVITY AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: CROSS-COUNTRY EVIDENCE ON SOME SUPPLY-SIDE HYPOTHESES 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Data from sixty-three countries are used to examine the impact of average and marginal tax rates on the level and growth of economic activity. Apparent negative effects of tax rates on growth disappear upon controlling for (1) potential endogeneity of average tax rates to per capita income and (2) the relation between economic growth and per capita income. However, controlling for average tax rates, increases in marginal tax rates have negative effects on the level of economic activity. This evidence supports the hypothesis that reductions in the "progressivity" of tax rates induce a parallel shift upward in the growth path. 相似文献
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TAXATION, AGGREGATE ACTIVITY and ECONOMIC GROWTH: FURTHER CROSS-COUNTRY EVIDENCE ON SOME SUPPLY-SIDE HYPOTHESES 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
This paper investigates the effect of marginal tax rates on the level of economic activity. Data from sixty-three countries for the period 1970-84 provide support for Koester and Kormendi's method of estimating marginal tax rates for individual countries. However, their conclusion that increases in marginal tax rates have negative effects on the level of economic activity is not robust when we extend the time period from 1970-79 to 1970-84. Further, even for Koester and Kormendi's own data set, the negative relation does not hold when the sample is disaggregated into industrial countries and low-income countries. 相似文献
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Rita Barnard 《Cultural Studies》2013,27(3):438-461
This essay reads J. M. Coetzee's Diary of a Bad Year in its historical context (the moment of the US war in Iraq, Abu Graib, Guantanamo and the apparent triumph of neoliberalism), while also probing the problems at stake in the practice of contextual reading and of taking the work as staging the opinions of the biographical Coetzee. The essay teases out not only the question of whether Coetzee should be seen as a public intellectual (the short but not entirely satisfactory answer is ‘no’), but also how the terms ‘public’ and ‘private’ play out in his oeuvre and are helpful in pondering Coetzee's approach to questions of genre, censorship and authorship. 相似文献
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Throughout the first term of the Reagan administration, thenuclear freeze movement headlined the news and scored numerouspolitical victories. Hundreds of state and local governments,as well as the U.S. House of Representatives, passed resolutionsin support of the freeze. Public opinion polls played a majorrole in the debate, as the media and freeze advocates citednumerous polls indicating overwhelming public support for theinitiative. Yet a comprehensive and detailed examination ofnational polls reveals that public support for the freeze cameheavily qualified. While Americans expressed strong supportfor the basic concept of a freeze, they expressed doubts aboutthe possibility of a verifiable and balanced freeze agreement.Furthermore, the public doubted that the Soviet Union genuinelydesired such an agreement. Most surprisingly, the public didnot pay much attention to the debate. Few Americans claimedto know or care much about the freeze initiative, and fewerstill felt positively toward the political activists behindthe freeze. 相似文献
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《Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series》2007,44(9):17223C-17224
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Analyses of question wording experiments on the General SocialSurvey spending items showed consistent wording effects forseveral issues across three years. An examination of types ofwording change indicate that even minor changes can affect responses.However, an examination of interactions with respondent individualdifferences showed no consistent pattern. 相似文献
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The median-voter model suggests the causal sequence: distribution → spending → bureaucracy, whereas the bureaucratic model proposes the chain: bureaucracy → spending → distribution. In the presence of labor-market distortions and underemployment labor contracts, we argue that an initial link must be added to each causal chain; namely, the excess supply of labor in the private sector. Empirical estimates of both the median-voter and bureaucratic models indicate that inter-country differences in per-capita public spinding are an increasing function of differences in wage rates. 相似文献
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SURVEY EVIDENCE ON EXCESSIVE PUBLIC PESSIMISM ABOUT THE FUTURE BEHAVIOR OF UNEMPLOYMENT 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Two of the questions in the Surveys of Consumer Attitudes undertakenby the Survey Research Center of the University of Michigandeal with households' expectations about inflation and the changein unemployment. We compare quarterly time series of the meanresponses with the actual behavior of inflation and unemploymentto see whether households are overly optimistic or pessimisticabout the future behavior of inflation and unemployment. Wefind an asymmetry. Over the 21 years of our analysis, on averagethe public is neither overly optimistic nor overly pessimisticabout future inflation. However, the public has been significantlytoo pessimistic about the future behavior of unemployment. Theseresults have an important implication for macroeconomic policy.If politicians respond to complaints from the public about inflationand unemployment they will target policy instruments at unemploymentto a greater extent than if the public was not so pessimisticabout the behavior of unemployment. The result may be a higherrate of inflation than if the public were not mistakenly pessimisticabout the behavior of unemployment. 相似文献