论鄂温克族萨满神话与传说

本文对鄂温克族萨满神话与传说的内容进行分类研究,阐释了以萨满为中心的神话与传说蕴涵的思想价值,着重分析了神话与传说的故事结构、主人公形象的发展变化,从而指出萨满教信仰对鄂温克族民间文学在诸多方面产生的深远影响。     

死亡的超越与转化──赫哲─那乃族初始萨满神话考疑

死亡的超越与转化──赫哲─那乃族初始萨满神话考疑喻权中赫哲－那乃语视角中的初始萨满神话如同以采集文化为基底的阿依奴人,其神话的聚焦点始终凝结在食物的生一熟转化上、植物与人的移形互换中;阿依奴人的邻居,以渔猎文化为基底的赫皙一那乃族人,在世代经历了于死...     

论中国神话系统的特色

中国神话系统包括汉族神话和少数民族神话两大部分,它以其神话的存在形态非常完备,神话的种类十分齐全和神话的风格多样化这三个特色,在世界各国神话系统中首屈一指,中国的神话研究理应居于世界各国神话研究之首位。     

略论原始思维的实用性

人与动物最明显、最重要的区别,就在于他的一切活动,尤其是他的思维活动或认识活动,都是有意识有目的的活动。为了自身的生存和发展,他需要利用自然和改造自然,因此,也就自然应当正确地认识自然。这样,尽管自然界对于原始先民来说,还是一个神秘的世界,是一个不解之谜,但是,他们还是从自身的需要出发,在缓慢地认识着客观自然界。     

满族语言与萨满文化

本文从民族语言学、文化语言学的角度,对满族语言与萨满文化的关系及其特征进行探讨分析,揭示出满语中蕴含的萨满文化因素,进一步印证满语语义与萨满文化的内在联系,深入认识满语独特的文化意义,并为民族学、历史学等相关学科的研究提供科学依据、客观例证,以推进深层研究.     

家萨满与白萨满──从对西伯利亚几个民族的比较中看满族萨满的社会与宗教特征

满族萨满教虽与西伯利亚诸民族萨满教有相同的起源，但满族萨满教在发展过程中受满族社会特别是政权的干予，与西伯利亚萨满教形成了温和、舒缓和“野性”、“疯狂”之间的反差。     

萨满面具的功能与特征

萨满面具是萨满教思想观念的物化形态和特殊的表意符号 ,反映着信仰萨满教的北方民族的信仰、禁忌、思维心理和审美意识。本文论述了萨满面具所具有的神象征、通灵媒介、隐己屏障、赐福灵物和护魂盔甲等多重功能 ;并以傩文化为参照系 ,阐述了萨满面具的特征 ,揭示了我国萨满面具文化和傩戏面具文化迥然不同的历史命运及其成因     

萨满鹰祭与满族鹰舞

萨满教作为北方民族精神文化的母体,对其民族文化的各个方面曾发生过深刻的影响,尤其是,在萨满祭礼中,舞蹈是其通神的主要方式,因此,对民族舞蹈的萌生、发展、传承、演化更是起到直接的作用。本文根据近年来新发现的满族鹰舞来探索舞蹈在祭礼中的地位、作用,以及宗教与民族舞蹈的相互关系。     

北方物候历与萨满祭祀

北方民族在长期的渔猎生产中逐渐形成了以物候确定年岁、季节的自然物候历, 用以指导人们的生产与生活。由于萨满教仪式常常与经济活动的节律相关, 北方民族萨满祭祀的时间、内容和祭祀重心都一定程度上受到经济活动以及物候历的影响, 反映了原始萨满教与自然科学的密切关系。     

萨满文化与傩文化的比较

中国原始文化主要是巫术文化。中国民间的巫文化有两大系统,即北方的萨满文化和南方的傩文化。考察和研究现在中国北方和南方某些地区以其独特的方式保存下来的巫文化的“活化石”,打开远古文化的储存库,对神学、心理学、社会学、结构学、宗教史学、哲学、医学、美学等多学科的研究,都是有意义的。本文拟通过南北巫文化的比较,探讨它们     

萨满舞蹈的特征与功能

萨满舞蹈展现了北方民族萨满教祭祀的面貌,体现了萨满教的多神崇拜观念。本文论述了萨满舞蹈的特征与功能。     

最后的萨满

萨满教,曾广布于地球北部辽阔的寒土,为北亚、北美、北欧等众多民族所信奉。它保留了相当完整和生动的自然宗教特点,具有鲜明的地域特色。萨满,是北方氏族部落精神文化的代表,与一般的神汉巫婆相比,他保持了宗教的庄严性与人类童年时代文化传承人的质朴性。今天,聚居在黑龙江省大兴安岭地区呼玛河流域一带的鄂伦春族人,萨满教的斑斑遗迹依稀可见,最后的萨满尚存。为此,我们向着兴安岭的密林深处进发,开始了对最后的萨满的探寻……“最后的山神”走了 有一位隐居在大兴安岭深处的老萨满,早在１９９２年就已被尊为“最后的山神”…     

锡伯族的萨满教神界、萨满和萨满神歌

锡伯族的萨满教神界、萨满和萨满神歌忠录，佟中明锡伯族是我国阿尔泰语系民族之一。千百年来，萨滴教作为锡伯族的一种原始世界观、生活方式和与自然界相适应的文化，在民间广泛相传，造成了非常深远的影响。直到本世纪三十年代，聚居新疆察布查尔地区的锡伯族民间仍流行...     

蒙古萨满面具的演变与消失

蒙古萨满面具的演变与消失白翠英中国面具文化历史源远流长，面具形态和内涵极为丰富。其中流传最广、影响最大的可为滩面具文化、藏面具文化和萨满面具文化等几大类别。各民族的面具文化在自已特殊的地域、心理因素、审美习俗和社会生活条件下保持和发展，同时也相互影响...     

萨满的选徒与授技

北方原始先民因生产力十分低下,对人生祸福、山川变化都认为是鬼神指使,在长期与大自然交往中,自然产生原始宗教,即萨满教。萨满则成为人与神之间的使者。可是人有生老病死,萨满也不能永活世间,这就需要有个培养挑选新萨满的问题。本文试就萨满的选徒与授技问题作一探讨。     

蒙古神话与佛教神话比较研究

蒙古神话与佛教神话以及信仰佛教的一些国家和民族神话的比较研究是蒙古神话研究的重要课题。本文从比较研究的可能性、比较研究的领域、比较研究的方法以及比较研究资料、比较研究的目的和意义等四个方面去设计论证了该课题。     

楚克奇人的萨满信仰与社会变迁

The Chukchee in northeastern Si-beria have a longstanding historical tradition of shamanism which was closely integrated into their traditional society and way of life. In accordance with their different modes of subsistence, the Chuckchee are divided into two basic groups, the maritime Chukchee and the reindeer-breeding Chukchee. The maritime Chukchee lived a rela-tively settled life, and hunting sea mammals played an important role in their economy. The sea mam-mal meat was their main food, its skins and the i-vory from walrus were made into different tools, and the bones of whale were the main material used for building houses. A “unit” of maritime Chukchee was composed of people whose lives cen-tered around skin boats, and this group , included both Chukchee and non-Chukchee people. they all lived together, hunted together and organized their hunting according to a special rules. The reindeer-breeding Chukchee mainly lived a nomadic life. They ate reindeer meat, dressed in reindeer fur and lived in tents made of reindeer skins. The reindeer-breeding Chukchee formed social units composed of four to five families. They lived in scattered tents and grazed reindeer together. The unit also included some non-Chukchee people. I. Shamanism among the Chukchee The Chukchee believed that we live in a world with spirits. The world was filled with various spir-its, who could not be seenor touched, were always changing and lived a life similar with that of hu-mans. In other words, the spirits also raised rein-deer, hunted, married and bore children. Wicked spirits harmed humans by preying upon their souls or bodies. Sickness and disaster were caused by this. In order to cope with this kind of sickness and disaster, it was essential to invite a shaman to combat the wicked spirits, and in some cases, the shaman made sacrifices to please such wicked spir-its. In addition to these different kinds of spirits, there were also powerful deities, such as mountain deities, forest deities, and river deities. Such dei-ties were responsible not only for the small spirits who lived in the mountains, forests and rivers, but they also were responsible for the animals and plants that were there. People who lived in or nearby these places had to communicate with the spirits and supernatural beings living in the area before they used the area’s resources. Moreover, they had to communicate with the more powerful elements which controlled the universe. According to Vladimir Bogoraz ( Waldemar Borgorose) , shamanism among the Chukchee man-ifested itself as “Family Shamanism”, and “was still in its primary stage of development”. As such, it provided “the most characteristic, pure and primitive” features of shamanism. It was com-mon in the 1800 s and early 1900 s for males to play a leading role in most Siberian groups. Yet, in spite of male dominance in shamanism, female shamans were always considered to be“leading fig-ures in the shamanic field”. Among Chukchee and Koryak there is another kind of shaman where the male shaman takes the form of a female. This hap-pened when the shaman is possessed by the identi-ty of a female spirit. They received“the call of de-ity” to change their sex through visions. In general, Chukchee shaman experienced the call to become a shaman during their adolescence. The call usually came from shaman’s inner voice, based on which the “candidate shaman” estab-lished their relationship with deities. This sudden calling often confused the initiate, and they were not always so sure about their situation. They felt“shyness” and fear; lost interest in regular life, and were unwilling to work and communicate with others. They had no appetite, and slept a lot. They often stayed in their tentall of the time, or ran away when they went out for hunting or grazing their reindeer. Generally, young people were un-willing to accept the call of the deity. No matter if they were novice shaman or ex-pert shaman, both communicated with the “deity”through drumming and singing. Novice shaman practiced drumming, as well as singing, for long periods of time in order to master the skills–this required great patience on the part of the perform-ers. Ventriloquism was the Chukchee shaman’s specific “sorcery skill” in which they were ex-tremely skillful. Stabbing a knife into their belly was also one of the sorcery skills frequently prac-ticed by Chukchee shaman. II. The changes in Chukchee shamanism dur-ing the Soviet Period During the late 1920s and 1930s, the Soviet Union government established many schools in mi-nority regions. These newly built schools laid a firm foundation for their anti-shamanism campaign. Scholars during the Soviet period no longer regar-ded shamanism as an essential element embedded within a group’s economic life, social organization, religious life and festivals, but sought to destroy it through messages which spoke of “ideology” and“class”. As a result, Chukchee shamanism expe-rienced enormous, passive, cultural change which created a cultural breakdown. At the same time, shamanic culture also exhibited a state of conflict, resistance and avoidance to survival. After World War II, the Soviet Union govern-ment tried to advance the process of collectivization in the Chukchee tundraregion. Up to the early 1950s, almost all the pastoral reindeer were con-sidered state-owned. The Soviet Union government merged reindeer-breeding collective units and coastal hunting collective units, and established mixed “farms” in the Arctic Circle and along the Bering Strait’s coast. The residences of so many coastal Chukchee were demolished, and they were relocated to alternative settlements. In these new and larger settlements, they did not need tradition-al skills, so, they could only do manual labor. Since the 1960s, the ethnic consciousness in the Northeast Siberia region has undergone tremendous changes. Most young Chukchee people do not know whether their parents were from coastal-hun-ting or inland reindeer-breeding groups, which, as we know, were the basic distinctions among the Chukchee people. More young people rejected tra-ditional occupations, and were more willing to par-ticipate in “modern” work, and they increasingly identified themselves with the social-cultural norms of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, their economic life and social organization experienced big changes under the influence of the Soviet Union. The social support of shamanism was destroyed, although it still existed privately and underground. III. Shamanic cultural revival after the col-lapse of the Soviet Union After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a large number of Russians “escaped”;they “killed reindeer, took away all the things that could be taken away”;the young indigenous people also left in order to find jobs outside. In order to rebuild the local economy, the autonomous communities began to try to establish an “obshchina” ( com-mune or society) . In that moment, when the locals were trying to understand the world around them and were looking for ethnic identity, they, once a-gain, needed their traditional worldview and spirit-ual support. In the areas where the shamanic tradi-tion had broken down, one could only rely on reading early European travelers’ records related to shamanism, or talking with old people to get infor-mation about shamanism, and by doing so, revive the once ruptured local beliefs and culture by hold-ing religious and cultural performances regularly. Generally speaking, shamanic culture today has lost its close links with the “special spaces”, as well as its close relationship with the communi-ty. As such, it is difficult for the tradition to repre-sent the strength of the whole society, control or rescue its people and provide prosperity, fertility and guarantee military success for its people. In other words, the essential structure of shamanism, whether it was the internal cultural significance or its integration with society and environment, has been broken and shattered. Fragmented shamanic heritage is the vivid portrait of its fragmented de-velopment stage. IV. Summary Traditional Chukchee economic life, social or-ganization, religious festivals and customswere linked with each other. As a whole, they worked together and created a social order for the Chukchee, and constituted the cultural cohesion of the Chukchee. Shamanism among the Chukchee was integrated into the history of the nation and its social context. Each Chukchee could participate in religious life. Therefore, this “family shamanism”and its “shamanism features” distinguished it from other forms of shamanism among the Siberian tribes. Chukchee people reacted very passively to Christianity when it reached there. Until the early 20th century, almost all Chukchee still adhered to their own shamanistic practices. During the Soviet period, Northeast Siberia experienced the anti-religious movement, collectiv-ization movement, compulsory residence resettle-ment movement, “scientific” reindeer-breeding and other foreign “progress” and “civilization”movements. Such “progress” and “civilization”were not familiar nor were they sympathetic to the indigenous people’s traditional life. The old way of life of the Chukchee was broken, the original so-cial relations were shattered. Therefore, the Chukchee and their entire culture were “re-formed”. Remains and practices of shamanism a-mong the Chukchee went underground, retreated from mainstream social life, and became an inti-mate way of healing. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, many Russians“ran away”, and the young Chukchee al-so left their traditional homeland. The economic depression, population decline, and social erosion brought big challenges to the movement to “re-build” Chukchee society. As an attempt to bind local Chukchee people, the “obshchina” provided a possibility for reorganizing. Now, shamanism in Chukchee, just like other social organizations, is in a fragmented, theater-like state. The revival of shamanism in Chukchee in the future will not be u-nilateral, but rather rooted in its social and cultural revival system.     

富育光先生与《萨满论》--《萨满论》评析

吉林省民族研究所研究员富育光先生是我国著名的萨满教学研究专家,也是世界上屈指可数的国际萨满教学研究专家之一。他的毕生精力全部投入到了萨满教学的研究之中。他踏遍了我国北方萨满的故乡,在田野考察中与群众同吃同住,成为萨满的知心朋友,他曾接触过数以百计的北方各民族的萨满,手中掌握着１７６名萨满的历史资料和７８位萨满的小传,搜集了许多不同类型的神本,亲自绘制了几百幅萨满用品实物图,并为诸多萨满神歌谱曲进行研究,同时,还拍摄了有关萨满神事活动的录像片以及图照、素描,搜集了大批实物,记录了无数卡片。富育光先…     

民族与神话

一、民族 :一种多元整合的、被神话化了的共同体人是一种社会存在。每个人都会自我认同于某一特定的社会群体 ,这个群体可能是个很小的、也可能是个很大的单元 ,它可能是人们每天都要与之接触的、一种现实的存在 ,也可能是一种在时间和空间上与人们相距甚远的、潜在的、但本质上又是真实的群体。而且 ,人们往往同时自我认同于若干群体———小家庭、氏族内的同辈人及氏族本身 ,同时也认同于村落社群中的某一代人 ,认同于某省或某国人 ,认同于某一宗教共同体或某种文明。这些认同都是以感情、态度、意愿、“归属”与被接纳的需求为基础的。当…